SC Supreme Court ruling keeps abortion ban at 6 weeks
From left to right, Taylor Shelton, the plaintiff in the case; Vicki Ringer, spokeswoman for Planned Parenthood South Atlantic; and Catherine Humphreville, attorney for Planned Parenthood, stand outside the Supreme Court building on Wednesday, Feb. 12, 2025. (Skylar Laird/SC Daily Gazette)
COLUMBIA — A state Supreme Court ruling Wednesday maintains a six-week abortion ban in South Carolina.
Issuing their third ruling on abortion since 2022, justices unanimously decided state law's definition of 'fetal heartbeat' — the sound of which makes an abortion illegal — applies to when an ultrasound first detects cardiac activity.
Attorneys for Planned Parenthood argued the ban that took effect in August 2023 should apply at nine weeks rather than six, since the heart doesn't actually form until roughly the ninth week of pregnancy.
Justices disagreed, noting repeatedly that the debate in the Statehouse and prior arguments before the justices themselves referred to the law 'consistently and exclusively' as a six-week ban.
'The answer to the question is clear: the General Assembly was referring to the occurrence of electrical impulses that mark the early onset of 'cardiac activity' as we interpret 'fetal heartbeat,'' Justice John Few wrote in the opinion signed by three justices. Justice Gary Hill agreed with the majority but wrote his own opinion.
Like in the law itself, which doesn't specify a number of weeks when abortion becomes illegal, justices' ruling does not set a timeline.
But 'the biologically identifiable moment in time we hold is the 'fetal heartbeat' under the 2023 Act occurs in most instances at approximately six weeks of pregnancy,' Few wrote.
Legislators clearly intended the ban to take effect at about six weeks in a pregnancy, justices wrote.
If that were not what legislators believed the law to be, 'it is inconceivable that no member of the House or Senate made any effort to point out that the members of this Court misunderstood the General Assembly's intent,' Few wrote.
Even legislators opposed to the law indicated they believed it started at six weeks through amendments they proposed. For instance, three amendments introduced in the House during the debate would have held a father responsible for child support starting at six weeks of pregnancy, the point at which legislators believed the ban began.
'While none of these Amendments passed, they each clearly indicate the members proposing them — again, opponents of the Act — considered the 2023 Act to be effective upon events occurring at approximately six weeks of pregnancy,' Few wrote.
Much of Planned Parenthood's argument centered around the exact wording of how the law defined a 'fetal heartbeat.'
A fetal heartbeat, under the 2023 law, is 'the steady and repetitive rhythmic contraction of the fetal heart.'
Those electrical impulses are not 'steady' or 'rhythmic,' as the law requires, attorneys for Planned Parenthood argued. At that point, the pregnancy is still considered an embryo, not a fetus. And no heart forms until several weeks later in the pregnancy, meaning there is no 'fetal heartbeat,' attorneys argued.
But the words 'steady' and 'rhythmic' have no medical definition, Few wrote.
Legislators have previously used the words 'embryo' and 'fetus' interchangeably, and attorneys for Planned Parenthood didn't give an exact moment when the pregnancy changes from one to another. And it's unclear exactly when a heart is considered 'formed,' Few wrote.
One word did have a clear meaning, justices decided.
Under the law, most abortions are no longer legal after 'the unborn child's fetal heartbeat has been detected.' That suggests 'an actual, observable event,' Few wrote.
'The only point in the progression of a pregnancy when cardiac activity goes from 'cannot be detected' to 'detected'' is the moment a doctor can hear the electrical impulses that occur around six weeks, Few wrote.
Gov. Henry McMaster praised the state high court's latest decision as again upholding the law, as justices did in 2023.
'Time and time again, we have defended the right to life in South Carolina, and time and time again, we have prevailed,' McMaster said in a statement. 'Today's ruling is another clear and decisive victory that will ensure the lives of countless unborn children remain protected and that South Carolina continues to lead the charge in defending the sanctity of life.'
Taylor Shelton, the plaintiff in Planned Parenthood's case, quickly learned she was pregnant but couldn't get an appointment for an abortion before the six-week cutoff, attorneys have said in court filings. Attorneys argued that Shelton, who traveled to North Carolina to receive an abortion, should have been eligible for one in her home state.
Many people don't yet know they're pregnant by six weeks in a pregnancy, said Jace Woodrum, executive director of the state American Civil Liberties Union. Some doctors are reluctant to provide lifesaving care to pregnant women out of fear that they'll be prosecuted under the law, he said.
Under the law, doctors who violate the ban face the possibility they'll lose their license, spend up to two years in prison and/or have to pay a $10,000 fine.
'The extreme ban on most abortions is endangering the lives of pregnant South Carolinians and driving medical care providers away from our state,' Woodrum said in a statement.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
19 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Oklahoma inmate Richard Glossip to face new murder trial but without death penalty
Oklahoma's top prosecutor said Monday that the state intends to pursue a new murder trial against Richard Glossip but without the death penalty after the U.S. Supreme Court vacated his capital conviction in a rare victory for a death row prisoner. State Attorney General Gentner Drummond's decision to retry Glossip, 62, on a first-degree murder charge came out of a status conference hearing. Drummond said in a news release that the evidence still implicates Glossip in the 1997 murder of Oklahoma City motel owner Barry Van Treese. Glossip, a motel manager working for Van Treese, has maintained his innocence while on death row for almost three decades. While Drummond, a Republican, has not agreed with Glossip's innocence claims, he was supportive of the Supreme Court's ruling in February, when the majority of justices agreed, as Drummond put it, that "it is now an undeniable fact that he did not receive a fair trial." Drummond said Monday that he would ensure Glossip now receives an impartial trial. "While it was clear to me and to the U.S. Supreme Court that Mr. Glossip did not receive a fair trial, I have never proclaimed his innocence," Drummond said in a statement. "After the high court remanded the matter back to district court, my office thoroughly reviewed the merits of the case against Richard Glossip and concluded that sufficient evidence exists to secure a murder conviction." Oklahoma County District Attorney Vicki Behenna, a Democrat, had previously indicated that Glossip would not be eligible for the death penalty now if he were to be retried. Drummond said he would seek a life sentence for Glossip at his next trial. "While I cannot go back 25 years and handle the case in the proper way that would have ensured true justice, I still have a duty to seek the justice that is available today," he added. The continuation of the state's prosecution against Glossip resumes a twisting case that saw him dodge death several times with nine separate execution dates that had to be postponed. Various courts delayed the executions as he appealed, while state corrections officials also came under scrutiny a decade ago for botched execution attempts. But Glossip's case had been championed in recent years by a bipartisan group of Oklahoma legislators after an independent report they commissioned in 2022 found that "no reasonable jury hearing the complete record would convict Glossip of first-degree murder." The report centered on the state's primary witness, Justin Sneed, who had confirmed to the report's investigators that he had discussions with multiple family members about "recanting" his testimony over an 11-year period. Investigators also said the district attorney's case file included documentation describing how the state provided Sneed information "so he could conform his testimony to match the evidence" from other witnesses. Glossip's original 1998 conviction was overturned in 2001, when a state appeals court found that the evidence against him was weak. But the state took him to trial again, and a second jury found him guilty in 2004. At Glossip's trial, Sneed, a motel handyman, admitted that he had killed Van Treese, but said that it was at Glossip's direction and that he had been promised $10,000. In exchange for testifying against Glossip, Sneed received a life sentence while Glossip was given the death penalty. Prosecutors said Glossip orchestrated the plot because he was embezzling from the motel and feared being fired. The Supreme Court on Monday tossed out Glossip's capital conviction in a 5-3 ruling. Justice Neil Gorsuch did not participate, presumably because he was involved in the case when he was on a federal appeals court that includes Oklahoma. Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in the majority's ruling that prosecutors "knew Sneed's statements were false" and that "because Sneed's testimony was the only direct evidence of Glossip's guilt of capital murder, the jury's assessment of Sneed's credibility was necessarily determinative here." "Hence, there is a reasonable likelihood that correcting Sneed's testimony would have affected the judgment of the jury," she added. After the Supreme Court's decision, Glossip was moved off death row, but was held without bail in the Oklahoma County Detention Center on a first-degree murder charge. A next court date in Glossip's case is scheduled for June 17. Glossip's attorney, Don Knight, did not immediately comment about the prosecutors' decision, but he welcomed the Supreme Court's ruling in February that spared his longtime client from the death chamber. "He had nine execution dates, three last meals, and obviously, to finally get relief has been huge for him," Knight said, "and he's thrilled beyond words." This article was originally published on
Yahoo
19 minutes ago
- Yahoo
New Study Links Surge in Pediatric Firearm Deaths to Looser State Gun Laws
A major new study published June 9th in JAMA draws a stark line between firearm policy and pediatric deaths in the U.S. — and the findings are sobering and statistically significant. The research examined child and teen firearm mortality trends following the 2010 Supreme Court ruling McDonald v. Chicago, which expanded Second Amendment protections nationwide. While the ruling applied federally, individual states responded differently — some enacting looser gun laws in its wake, others maintaining or tightening restrictions. What followed, researchers say, was a divergence with life-and-death consequences. Here, Jeremy Samuel Faust, M.D., M.S., M.A., FACEP (of the Brigham & Women's Hospital Department of Emergency Medicine) explains the results: 'We found that the increase in pediatric firearm deaths since [McDonald] is large, but essentially isolated to states that expanded firearm access laws in the following years,' the authors wrote. 'In places that did not expand access (NY, CA, CT, etc.), rates have not gone up and in some places are down.' The numbers are stark. Over a 13-year period, there were approximately 7,400 more pediatric firearm deaths in so-called 'permissive' states than expected based on pre-McDonald trends — amounting to 573 additional deaths per year, all concentrated in states that rolled back gun restrictions. By contrast, in states that maintained stricter laws — such as New York, California, and Connecticut — rates of firearm death among youth either remained steady or declined slightly. The gap is most visible in the study's data visualization, below: 'The yellow and blue lines are the most permissive firearm law states,' the study noted. 'The gray line is the strict group of states. As you can see, no change in the strict places compared to pre-McDonald trends, but massive ones in the others.' Among the key findings: Homicides made up the majority of pediatric firearm deaths, but suicides also rose. The average age of victims was 14. In permissive states, Black youth experienced the highest initial rates and the steepest increases in firearm mortality. In strict states, however, Black youth did not see an uptick. States with strict gun laws — while still operating under the Second Amendment — avoided these increases entirely. While not part of this study, previous data underscores the broader context: Firearms are now the leading cause of death for Americans aged 1 to 19. But that risk isn't evenly distributed. In Massachusetts, for example, firearms rank sixth among causes of death in that age group. In Mississippi, they're number one. The bottom line: Gun laws matter — and when it comes to children, the difference in policies can be fatal. The post New Study Links Surge in Pediatric Firearm Deaths to Looser State Gun Laws appeared first on Katie Couric Media.


The Hill
an hour ago
- The Hill
Censorship is no way to get people to respect transgender rights
There was good and bad news for transgender rights in the U.S. last week. The good news was that a transgender high school athlete won two events in a girls' state track meet. And the bad news was that the Supreme Court allowed a school to censor a student's expression of the belief that there are only two genders. Suppressing ideas is never a good look in the U.S., whose Bill of Rights presupposes a freedom of speech that cannot be legislated away. And if we deny that freedom to anyone, then all of us — including transgender people — will lose. Free speech was on full display at the California track-and-field championship in Clovis, Calif. Under a new rule promulgated by the state interscholastic federation, the girls who finished just behind transgender athlete AB Hernandez in the high jump and triple jump were elevated to share her medals. That seemed just fine to Hernandez and also the other girls on the podium, who all exchanged high-fives and hugs. But it was not okay with protesters who gathered outside the stadium, chanting 'No boys in girls' sports.' Taylor Starling, a cross-country runner went on Fox News with her father to denounce 'guys that are taking away girls' awards, their medals, their spots.' Starling is part of a lawsuit alleging that she was demoted from her varsity track and field team when a transgender athlete took her spot. President Trump, meanwhile, threatened 'large scale fines' against California for allowing a 'Biological male' to compete the 'Girls State Finals.' Hernandez's mother fired back, denouncing people 'in positions of power' for harassing her daughter. Hernandez also spoke up against her critics: 'I'm still a child, you're an adult, and for you to act like a child shows how you are as a person.' But as petty and small as it may be for Hernandez's detractors to malign her as a 'boy' or a 'male,' they have the right to say it — just as I have the right to call them out. That's called America. Alas, that's also a memo that educators in Middleborough, Mass. seem to have missed. Earlier this spring, they sent home a seventh-grader for wearing a T-shirt declaring, 'There Are Only Two Genders' because 'other students had complained about the T-shirt and that it had 'made them upset.'' Then the student came back in a T-shirt that said, 'There are CENSORED Genders.' The school told him that wouldn't be allowed, either. I'm sure the shirts did make some people upset, but I also imagine that some were upset by a student at the same school who wore a T-shirt that read, 'HE SHE THEY IT'S ALL OKAY.' Once we decide to censor upsetting speech, we won't be able to speak at all. That's why the Supreme Court ruled in 1969 that 13-year-old Mary Beth Tinker could wear a black armband to her Iowa middle school to protest America's war in Vietnam. Schools cannot suppress speech out of 'a mere desire to avoid the discomfort and unpleasantness that always accompany an unpopular viewpoint,' the court declared in Tinker v. Des Moines. The only justifiable reason for restricting speech was if it threatened 'material and substantial interference with schoolwork or discipline.' Did the T-shirt saying there are only two genders pose that kind of danger? Of course not. But a federal trial judge ruled that the school could censor the student anyway, because he was threatening 'the rights of others' to attend school 'without being confronted by messages attacking their identities.' So what would prevent a school from prohibiting the 'HE SHE THEY' shirt, on the grounds that it threatened the identities of devout Christians and Muslims? And couldn't a school also bar speech in support of AB Hernandez, whose critics might claim that their own gender identities were under fire? In each case, the answer is yes. Nevertheless, an appeals court upheld the Massachusetts judge's decision. And last week, the Supreme Court declined to hear the case on appeal. In doing so, it turned its back on Tinker v. Des Moines and its ringing affirmation of freedom, which is fundamental to our shared identity as Americans. 'Any word spoken in class, in the lunchroom, or on the campus, that deviates from the views of another person may start an argument or cause a disturbance,' the Tinker ruling acknowledged. 'But our Constitution says we must take this risk, and our history says that it is this sort of hazardous freedom — this kind of openness — that is the basis of our national strength.' In California, AB Hernandez demonstrated precisely that strength. But in Massachusetts, school officials closed off speech out of fear. That's a hazard to the freedom of everyone, no matter what they think about gender. And if you think otherwise, watch out. Someday soon, the censors may be coming for you. Jonathan Zimmerman teaches education and history at the University of Pennsylvania and serves on the advisory board of the Albert Lepage Center for History in the Public Interest.