
Pope Leo's grandfather was immigrant from Sicily, genealogists reveal
Evidence that the Chicago-born Pope Leo XIV's bloodlines reflect the US's legacy of immigration – and complicated relationship with race – has continued to emerge since he recently became the first American ever elected to lead the Roman Catholic church.
The family history service Ancestry recently announced that a team helmed by senior genealogist Kyle Betit had determined Leo's paternal grandfather, John R Prevost, immigrated to the US from north-eastern Sicily.
That revelation came as Leo used his first address to world diplomats on Friday to say that migrants' dignity must be respected. Some interpreted the remarks to mean Leo may be willing to clash with the Donald Trump White House's policies seeking to generally crack down on immigration to the US.
'My own story is that of a citizen, the descendant of immigrants, who in turn chose to emigrate,' Leo told ambassadors at the Vatican.
The information about Leo's Sicilian roots surfaced in part on a form in 1940 that Prevost – living in Chicago at the time – was required to fill out because he was a foreign national and had not become a naturalized US citizen.
The form, along with other relevant genealogical records, indicated that Prevost was born on 24 June 1876 in Milazzo, a province of Messina, Italy, and named Salvatore Giovanni Gaetano Riggitano. The document alluded to his arrival in New York on the steamship Perugia in May 1903, one of roughly 4 million Italians – the bulk of them Sicilians like Riggitano – who immigrated to the US between 1880 and 1915 in hopes of fleeing poverty, political upheaval as well as other hardships, Ancestry's research showed.
Riggitano eventually adopted John as his first name, anglicizing the one given to him at birth, and took the surname of his wife, Suzanne Prevost, as his own. He taught Italian, French and Spanish. Eventually, he lived in Chicago with his wife and family, according to his résumé, newspaper articles and advertisements, birth records and census information, all of which were consulted by the Utah-based Ancestry.
Pope Leo XIV arrives to hold an audience with representatives of the media in Paul VI hall at the Vatican on Monday. Photograph: Guglielmo Mangiapane/Reuters
Betit said that one of the Prevosts' sons, Louis Marius, eventually married Mildred Agnes Martinez.
Mildred's father, Joseph, was evidently born on the Caribbean island containing the Dominican Republic and Haiti. And for a time, Joseph lived with Mildred's mother, Louise, in New Orleans's Seventh Ward, a bastion in the city for people who were Creole, a term utilized there to describe those of mixed race, according to other genealogists.
The Martinezes – the future pontiff's maternal grandparents – at one point identified as Black. But by 1920, when racial oppression was rampant as well as often violent throughout the US south (and not yet deemed unconstitutional by the country's federal supreme court), the Martinezes had moved north to Chicago. And, as other similarly situated families in the US did, they switched their racial identity to white.
Louis and Mildred Prevost raised three sons within the Catholic faith in Chicago, the youngest of whom was Robert. Robert Prevost was ordained a priest in 1982; became the worldwide leader of the Catholic religious order colloquially known as the Augustinians; shepherded a Peruvian diocese; was made a cardinal by Pope Francis in September 2023; and headed the Vatican entity in charge of selecting new bishops around the world.
On 8 May, after a two-day conclave in Rome, about 460 miles from his paternal grandfather's Italian homeland, Leo was elected to succeed the late Francis as head of the worldwide Catholic church and its 1.4 billion members.
'We often see parallels between the past and the present,' Betit said in a statement. 'In the case of the new pope, his grandfather journeyed from Italy to America, and [his] journey brought him back to Italy as pope.'
His predecessor frequently clashed on the topic of immigration with Trump, who won a second US presidency in November in large part by promising to carry out mass deportations.
The first few months of Trump's second presidential term have indeed been marked by steady news of immigration-related detentions and removals in the US. In fact, on Friday, his administration drew a supreme court ruling rejecting its efforts to resume deporting Venezuelans under an 18th-century wartime law.
As a cardinal, Robert Prevost, for his part, had gone on social media before becoming pope and reposted an opinion column criticizing an assertion by JD Vance, Trump's vice-president, that taking care of one's own people before turning to others was consistent with the teachings of Catholicism.
And, during his speech on Friday at the Vatican to ambassadors, he said: 'All of us, in the course of our lives, can find ourselves healthy or sick, employed or unemployed, living in our native land or in a foreign country, yet our dignity always remains unchanged. It is the dignity of a creature willed and loved by God.'
Vance was scheduled to lead a delegation of US officials at Leo's inaugural mass on Sunday.
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Hamilton Spectator
33 minutes ago
- Hamilton Spectator
A hillside of white crosses fuels a misleading story about South Africa's farm killings
MOKOPANE, South Africa (AP) — The white crosses are staked in the ground on an otherwise barren hillside on the edge of a farm, each one standing as a reminder of a terrible story of a person being killed. But the crosses, nearly 3,000 of them, do not tell the full story of South Africa's farm killings. The Witkruis Monument — which means White Cross Monument in the language spoken by South Africa's white Afrikaner minority — is a memorial only to white people who were killed on farms over the last three decades. It's a visceral snapshot seized on by some South Africans to drive a discredited narrative that white farmers in the majority Black country are being targeted in a widespread, race-based system of persecution. The false narrative has also been spread by conservative commentators in the United States and elsewhere — and amplified by South African-born Elon Musk and U.S. President Donald Trump. Last month, Trump escalated the rhetoric, using the term 'genocide' to describe violence against white farmers. The South African government and experts who have studied farm killings have publicly denounced the misinformation spread by Trump and others. Even the caretaker of Witkruis says the monument — which makes no reference to the hundreds of Black South African farmers and farmworkers who have been killed — does not tell the complete story. The killings of farmers and farmworkers, regardless of race, are a tiny percentage of the country's high level of crime , and they typically occur during armed robberies, according to available statistics and two studies carried out over the last 25 years. Yet because wealthier white people own 72% of South Africa's privately owned farms, according to census data, they are disproportionately affected by these often brutal crimes. Black people own just 4% of the country's privately owned farmland, and the rest is owned by people who are mixed race or of Indian heritage. Misinformation about farm killings has been fueled by right-wing political groups in South Africa and others outside the country, said Gareth Newman, a crime expert at the Institute for Security Studies think tank in Pretoria. Some of the fringe South African groups, which hold no official power, boycotted the country's first democratic elections in 1994, when South Africa's apartheid system of white minority rule officially ended. They have espoused a debunked theory of persecution — in a country where whites make up about 7% of the population — ever since. 'They held on to these beliefs as a way of maintaining social cohesion in their groups, making sure that they can obtain funding and support,' Newman said. 'And they were getting support from right-wing groups abroad because it fit their narrative.' A monument to white victims The Witkruis Monument was started in 2004 but recognizes victims going back to 1994. Each year, more crosses are planted to memorialize white farmers and their family members who were killed, organizers say. Recently, they've planted around 50 crosses a year. Kobus de Lange, a local Afrikaner farmer, has taken on the role of caretaker of Witkruis. He gave The Associated Press access to see the memorial, bringing along his wife and children to help tidy up the monument in the country's north, near the town of Mokopane. De Lange expressed the fear and frustration of a white farming community that feels authorities have not done enough to protect them. One of his sons wore a T-shirt with the slogan 'enough is enough' — written in their Afrikaans language — in reference to the killings. But de Lange acknowledged that the memorial does not capture the full scope of farm killings. 'It's across the board, there are Black farmers who are also attacked,' de Lange said. He said in some farm attacks, Black farmworkers are tortured by criminals for information on how to break into the main farmhouse. The Witkruis Monument would be willing to put up crosses to Black farmers and farmworkers who have been killed, but their relatives haven't requested it, he said. The monument includes memorabilia bearing the flags of conservative Afrikaner movements, symbols that are generally frowned upon because Afrikaners were at the heart of the apartheid government. Black farmworkers are also vulnerable From April 2023 through March 2024, there were 49 farm killings recorded by AfriForum , a white Afrikaner lobby group. That's about 0.2% of overall murders tallied by the government over the same period. The group recorded 296 farm robberies in that timeframe, or about 0.7% of all robberies. AfriForum's numbers don't include killings of Black farmers and workers, and the country's official crime statistics are not broken down by race. Black people make up more than 80% of South Africa's population of 62 million, and most victims of violent crime across South Africa are Black. But there is no public relations campaign to raise awareness about the killing of Black farmers. Across racial lines, most public outcry about crime in South Africa is over the high rates of rape and murder of women and children, which mostly takes place in cities and townships. To tamp down misinformation, South African police last month took the unprecedented step of providing a racial breakdown of farm killings during the first three months of the year. Between January and March, there were six murders on farms, down from 12 during the same period last year. One of the victims was white, the rest were Black. 'What Donald Trump is saying about whites being targeted does not exist,' said MmaNtuli Buthelezi, who lives on a farm in Normandien, a rural area in KwaZulu-Natal province. Black farmworkers also feel vulnerable, Buthelezi said. 'We don't even have small firearms. Our weapons are just a spear and a shield, and sticks we get from the woods.' Nomandien is an area where the farming community planted white crosses to raise awareness about farm killings in 2020. During a White House visit last month by South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, Trump showed a video in which he incorrectly referred to the location as a 'burial site' of slain white farmers. Also, and without evidence, Trump has accused South Africa's Black-led government of 'fueling' what he said was racially motivated violence against whites. In February, Trump issued an executive order punishing the country by banning all U.S. aid and assistance to South Africa. What is the motive for South Africa's farm killings? The Trump administration has cited a chant used by a minority Black-led political party in South Africa that has the lyrics 'shoot the farmer' as contributing to what it claims is the racially motivated killings of white farmers. Violent crimes against farmers were a problem for years before the apartheid-era chant was revived. The South African government investigated farm killings in 2003. It interviewed dozens of police detectives and other experts and concluded that robbery was the most common motive for violent crimes, including murders, that occurred on farms. A study by the South African Human Rights Commission in 2015 reached a similar conclusion. 'It is criminal individuals and groups that are targeting them because they are considered vulnerable,' said Newham, who has researched the subject for more than 15 years. 'They have things like cars, guns and laptops.' In some cases, perpetrators are former laborers who return to attack, kill and rob farm owners to settle disputes over money. In others, disgruntled former employees had returned simply for revenge, according to historical records of the National Prosecuting Authority. ___ Nqunjana reported from Normandien, South Africa. ___ More AP news on South Africa: Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .


The Hill
40 minutes ago
- The Hill
A hillside of white crosses fuels a misleading story about South Africa's farm killings
MOKOPANE, South Africa (AP) — The white crosses are staked in the ground on an otherwise barren hillside on the edge of a farm, each one standing as a reminder of a terrible story of a person being killed. But the crosses, nearly 3,000 of them, do not tell the full story of South Africa's farm killings. The Witkruis Monument — which means White Cross Monument in the language spoken by South Africa's white Afrikaner minority — is a memorial only to white people who were killed on farms over the last three decades. It's a visceral snapshot seized on by some South Africans to drive a discredited narrative that white farmers in the majority Black country are being targeted in a widespread, race-based system of persecution. The false narrative has also been spread by conservative commentators in the United States and elsewhere — and amplified by South African-born Elon Musk and U.S. President Donald Trump. Last month, Trump escalated the rhetoric, using the term 'genocide' to describe violence against white farmers. The South African government and experts who have studied farm killings have publicly denounced the misinformation spread by Trump and others. Even the caretaker of Witkruis says the monument — which makes no reference to the hundreds of Black South African farmers and farmworkers who have been killed — does not tell the complete story. The killings of farmers and farmworkers, regardless of race, are a tiny percentage of the country's high level of crime, and they typically occur during armed robberies, according to available statistics and two studies carried out over the last 25 years. Yet because wealthier white people own 72% of South Africa's privately owned farms, according to census data, they are disproportionately affected by these often brutal crimes. Black people own just 4% of the country's privately owned farmland, and the rest is owned by people who are mixed race or of Indian heritage. Misinformation about farm killings has been fueled by right-wing political groups in South Africa and others outside the country, said Gareth Newman, a crime expert at the Institute for Security Studies think tank in Pretoria. Some of the fringe South African groups, which hold no official power, boycotted the country's first democratic elections in 1994, when South Africa's apartheid system of white minority rule officially ended. They have espoused a debunked theory of persecution — in a country where whites make up about 7% of the population — ever since. 'They held on to these beliefs as a way of maintaining social cohesion in their groups, making sure that they can obtain funding and support,' Newman said. 'And they were getting support from right-wing groups abroad because it fit their narrative.' The Witkruis Monument was started in 2004 but recognizes victims going back to 1994. Each year, more crosses are planted to memorialize white farmers and their family members who were killed, organizers say. Recently, they've planted around 50 crosses a year. Kobus de Lange, a local Afrikaner farmer, has taken on the role of caretaker of Witkruis. He gave The Associated Press access to see the memorial, bringing along his wife and children to help tidy up the monument in the country's north, near the town of Mokopane. De Lange expressed the fear and frustration of a white farming community that feels authorities have not done enough to protect them. One of his sons wore a T-shirt with the slogan 'enough is enough' — written in their Afrikaans language — in reference to the killings. But de Lange acknowledged that the memorial does not capture the full scope of farm killings. 'It's across the board, there are Black farmers who are also attacked,' de Lange said. He said in some farm attacks, Black farmworkers are tortured by criminals for information on how to break into the main farmhouse. The Witkruis Monument would be willing to put up crosses to Black farmers and farmworkers who have been killed, but their relatives haven't requested it, he said. The monument includes memorabilia bearing the flags of conservative Afrikaner movements, symbols that are generally frowned upon because Afrikaners were at the heart of the apartheid government. From April 2023 through March 2024, there were 49 farm killings recorded by AfriForum, a white Afrikaner lobby group. That's about 0.2% of overall murders tallied by the government over the same period. The group recorded 296 farm robberies in that timeframe, or about 0.7% of all robberies. AfriForum's numbers don't include killings of Black farmers and workers, and the country's official crime statistics are not broken down by race. Black people make up more than 80% of South Africa's population of 62 million, and most victims of violent crime across South Africa are Black. But there is no public relations campaign to raise awareness about the killing of Black farmers. Across racial lines, most public outcry about crime in South Africa is over the high rates of rape and murder of women and children, which mostly takes place in cities and townships. To tamp down misinformation, South African police last month took the unprecedented step of providing a racial breakdown of farm killings during the first three months of the year. Between January and March, there were six murders on farms, down from 12 during the same period last year. One of the victims was white, the rest were Black. 'What Donald Trump is saying about whites being targeted does not exist,' said MmaNtuli Buthelezi, who lives on a farm in Normandien, a rural area in KwaZulu-Natal province. Black farmworkers also feel vulnerable, Buthelezi said. 'We don't even have small firearms. Our weapons are just a spear and a shield, and sticks we get from the woods.' Nomandien is an area where the farming community planted white crosses to raise awareness about farm killings in 2020. During a White House visit last month by South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, Trump showed a video in which he incorrectly referred to the location as a 'burial site' of slain white farmers. Also, and without evidence, Trump has accused South Africa's Black-led government of 'fueling' what he said was racially motivated violence against whites. In February, Trump issued an executive order punishing the country by banning all U.S. aid and assistance to South Africa. The Trump administration has cited a chant used by a minority Black-led political party in South Africa that has the lyrics 'shoot the farmer' as contributing to what it claims is the racially motivated killings of white farmers. Violent crimes against farmers were a problem for years before the apartheid-era chant was revived. The South African government investigated farm killings in 2003. It interviewed dozens of police detectives and other experts and concluded that robbery was the most common motive for violent crimes, including murders, that occurred on farms. A study by the South African Human Rights Commission in 2015 reached a similar conclusion. 'It is criminal individuals and groups that are targeting them because they are considered vulnerable,' said Newham, who has researched the subject for more than 15 years. 'They have things like cars, guns and laptops.' In some cases, perpetrators are former laborers who return to attack, kill and rob farm owners to settle disputes over money. In others, disgruntled former employees had returned simply for revenge, according to historical records of the National Prosecuting Authority. ___ Nqunjana reported from Normandien, South Africa. ___ More AP news on South Africa:


Boston Globe
41 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
Coming to America? In 2025, the US to some looks less like a dream and more like a place to avoid.
There has long been a romanticized notion about immigration and America. The reality has always been different, with race and ethnicity playing undeniable roles in the tension over who can be an American. The U.S. still beckons to the 'huddled masses' from the pedestal of the Statue of Liberty. The strong economy has helped draw millions more every year, with the inflow driving the U.S. population over 340 million. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up Early clues across industries — like tourism, trade, entertainment and education — suggest the American dream is fading for foreigners who have historically flooded to the U.S. Advertisement Polling by Pew Research Center from January through April found that opinions of the U.S. have worsened over the past year in 15 of the 24 countries it surveyed. Trump and many of his supporters maintain that migrants in the country illegally threaten American safety, jobs and culture. But people in the country legally also have been caught in Trump's dragnet. And that makes prospective visitors to the U.S., even as tourists, leery. Advertisement Trump's global tariff war and his campaign against international students who have expressed pro-Palestinian sympathies stick especially stubbornly in the minds of people across American borders who for decades clamored to participate in the land of free speech and opportunity. 'The chances of something truly horrific happening are almost certainly tiny,' Duncan Greaves, 62, of Queensland, Australia, advised a Reddit user asking whether to risk a vacation to the land of barbeques, big sky country and July 4 fireworks. 'Basically it's like the Dirty Harry quote: 'Do you feel lucky?'' 'American Creed,' American dilemma For much of its history, America had encouraged immigration as the country sought intellectual and economic fuel to spur its growth. But from the beginning, the United States has wrestled with the question of who is allowed to be an American. The new country was built on land brutally swiped from Native Americans. It was later populated by millions of enslaved Africans. The American Civil War ignited in part over the same subject. The federal Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 prohibited the immigration of Chinese laborers for a decade. During World War II, the U.S. government incarcerated about 120,000 people of Japanese descent in 10 concentration camps. About two-thirds were U.S. citizens. Still, the United States has always been a nation of immigrants, steered by the 'American Creed' developed by Thomas Jefferson, which posits that the tenets of equality, hard work and freedom are inherently American. Everyone, after all, comes from somewhere — a fact underscored on-camera in the Oval Office this month when German Chancellor Friedrich Merz gave the president the framed birth certificate of Trump's grandfather, also named Friedrich, who emigrated from Germany in 1885. He was one of millions of Germans who fled war and economic strife to move to the United States in the late 19th Century. Advertisement There's a story there, too, that suggests the Trump family knows both the triumphs of immigration and the struggle and shame of being expelled. After marrying and making a fortune in America, the elder Trump attained U.S. citizenship and tried return to Germany. He was expelled for failing to complete his military service — and wrote about the experience. 'Why should we be deported? This is very, very hard for a family,' Friedrich Trump wrote to Luitpold, prince regent of Bavaria in 1905, according to a translation in Harper's magazine. 'What will our fellow citizens think if honest subjects are faced with such a decree — not to mention the great material losses it would incur.' Trump himself has married two immigrant women: the late Ivana Zelníčková Trump, of what's now the Czech Republic, and his current wife, Melania Knauss Trump of Slovenia. They're still coming to America. To Trump, that's long been a problem It's hard to overstate the degree to which immigration has changed the face and culture of America — and divided it. Immigration in 2024 drove U.S. population growth to its fastest rate in 23 years as the nation surpassed 340 million residents, the U.S. Census Bureau said in December. Almost 2.8 million more people immigrated to the United States last year than in 2023, partly because of a new method of counting that adds people who were admitted for humanitarian reasons. Net international migration accounted for 84% of the nation's 3.3 million-person increase in the most recent data reported. Advertisement Immigration accounted for all of the growth in 16 states that otherwise would have lost population, according to the Brookings Institution. But where some Americans see immigration largely as an influx of workers and brain power, Trump sees an 'invasion,' a longstanding view. Since returning to the White House, Trump has initiated an far-reaching campaign of immigration enforcement that has pushed the limits of executive power and clashed with federal judges trying to restrain him over his invocation of special powers to deport people, cancel visas and deposit deportees in third countries. In his second term, unlike his first, he's not retreating from some unpopular positions on immigration. Instead, the subject has emerged as Trump's strongest issue in public polling, reflecting both his grip on the Republican base and a broader shift in public sentiment. A June survey from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research found that 46% of U.S. adults approve of Trump's handling of immigration, which is nearly 10 percentage points higher than his approval rating on the economy and trade. The poll was conducted at the beginning of the Los Angeles protests and did not include questions about Trump's military deployment to the city. Other countries, such as Denmark, open their doors The U.S. is still viewed as an economic powerhouse, though people in more countries consider China to be the world's top economy, according to the Pew poll, and it's unclear whether Trump's policies could cause a meaningful drain of international students and others who feel under siege in the United States. Netherlands-based Studyportals, which analyzes the searches for international schools by millions of students worldwide, reported that weekly pageviews for degrees in the U.S, collapsed by half between Jan. 5 and the end of April. It predicted that if the trend continues, the demand for programs in the U.S. could plummet further, with U.S. programs losing ground to countries like the United Kingdom and Australia. Advertisement 'International students and their families seek predictability and security when choosing which country to trust with their future,' said Fanta Aw, CEO of NAFSA, which represents international educators. 'The U.S. government's recent actions have naturally shaken their confidence in the United States.'