
Iran strikes mark Trump's biggest foreign policy gamble
With his unprecedented decision to bomb Iran's nuclear sites, directly joining Israel's air attack on its regional arch-foe, US President Donald Trump has done something he'd long vowed to avoid - intervene militarily in a major foreign war.
The dramatic US strike, including the targeting of Iran's most heavily fortified nuclear installation deep underground, marks the biggest foreign policy gamble of Trump's two presidencies and one fraught with risks and unknowns.
Trump insisted on Saturday that Iran must now make peace or face further attacks.
But the strikes could provoke Tehran into retaliating by closing the Strait of Hormuz, the world's most important oil artery, attacking US military bases and allies in the Middle East, stepping up its missile barrage on Israel and activating proxy groups against US and Israeli interests worldwide, analysts said.
Such moves evoke echoes of the "forever wars" the US fought in Iraq and Afghanistan, which Trump had derided as "stupid" and promised never to be dragged into.
In the lead-up to the bombing, the US President had vacillated between threats of military action and appeals for renewed negotiation to persuade Iran to reach a deal to dismantle its nuclear program.
A senior White House official said that once Trump was convinced that Tehran had no interest in reaching a nuclear agreement, he decided the strikes were "the right thing to do."
Trump gave the go-ahead once he was assured of a "high probability of success," more than a week of Israeli air attacks on Iran's nuclear and military facilities had paved the way.
But some experts suggested that while Iran's nuclear program may have been set back for many years, the threat may be far from over.
Iran denies seeking a nuclear weapon, saying its program is for purely peaceful purposes.
"In the long term, military action is likely to push Iran to determine nuclear weapons are necessary for deterrence and that Washington is not interested in diplomacy," the Arms Control Association, a non-partisan US-based organisation that advocates for arms control legislation, said in a statement.
In the immediate aftermath of the US strikes, Iran showed little appetite for concessions.
Iran's Atomic Energy Organisation said it would not allow development of its "national industry" to be stopped, and an Iranian state television commentator said every US citizen or military member in the region would now be legitimate targets.
Some analysts suggested that Trump, whose administration has previously disavowed any aim of dislodging the Iranian leadership, could be drawn into seeking "regime change" if Tehran carries out major reprisals or moves to build a nuclear weapon.
"Beware mission creep, aiming for regime change and democratisation campaigns," said Laura Blumenfeld, a Middle East analyst at the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies in Washington. "You'll find the bones of many failed US moral missions buried in Middle East sands."
Jonathan Panikoff, a former US deputy intelligence officer for the Middle East, said Iran's leadership would quickly engage in "disproportionate attacks" if it felt its survival was imperilled.
But Tehran will also have to be mindful of the consequences, he said. While actions such as closing the Strait of Hormuz would pose problems for Trump with the resulting higher oil prices and potential US inflationary impact, it would also hurt China, one of Iran's few powerful allies.
At the same time, Trump is already facing strong push-back from congressional Democrats against the Iran attack and will also have to contend with opposition from the anti-interventionist wing of his Republican MAGA base.
Trump's slogan of "peace through strength" will certainly be tested as never before, especially with his opening of a new military front after failing to meet his campaign promises to quickly end wars in Ukraine and Gaza.
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The latest conflict erupted on June 13, when Israel fired missiles at Iran in a bid to blow up military assets, arguing it was on the cusp of developing nuclear weapons. The battle took a turn on the weekend when the US launched a bombing raid on three underground nuclear facilities in Iran. Conflict between Iran and Israel will have consequences for Australia, even if a ceasefire holds, an expert warns. While the federal government has repeatedly called for diplomacy and peace, it differed from other US allies by supporting America's decision to join Israel's offensive and strike Iran. Concerns had been raised if the action was legal, making Australia's position on the strikes "worrying", regardless of whether a ceasefire held, analyst Jessie Moritz told AAP. "Given that the intelligence that Israel was operating under was not confirmed even by the US, that really raised the question of whether this was a legal war and whether this was breaking an international norm," the Australian National University Arab and Islamic studies lecturer said. "Breaking international norms is a huge problem because it allows our enemies to break that norm with us." The Labor government initially took a more neutral stance but backed the US bombings after the coalition came out in support first. Dr Moritz said the government's quick decision was concerning and drew comparisons to the events of 2003, where Australia joined the US war in Iraq under false claims it possessed weapons of mass destruction. Though she hoped a ceasefire would hold, Dr Moritz warned the conflict would have long-term ramifications. US international partners have begun to more closely examine whether American interests align with their own as President Donald Trump emerges as a foreign policy disruptor. The conflict could incentivise Arab states to pursue nuclear weapons and lead Iran to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and rebuild its nuclear program. Dr Moritz said Iran could become more repressive and conservative because it might lose some support, using the events as an excuse to violently repress opposition groups. Anyone within the regime who supported diplomatic engagement with the West would be sidelined too. This could impact Australian-Iranian communities, many of whom hoped the conflict could help de-stabilise the Iranian autocracy and pave the way for a new, democratic government. Persian Australian Community Association member Nader Ranjbar said the regime's continuation could lead to his "worst fear". "That somehow they get away from this mess and the first thing they do is start killing Iranian people," he told AAP. Mr Trump attacked both nations for breaching the ceasefire in the early stages, saying "they don't know what the f*** they are doing" on live television. The prime minister was unperturbed by the language. "President Trump made some pretty clear statements. I don't think it needs any further reflection," Mr Albanese said on Wednesday. "We want to see peace in the region, we want to see a ceasefire, we want to see de-escalation, and that is consistent with the very clear comments of President Trump." In the early hours of the day, 119 Australians and family members left Tel Aviv on a government-assisted flight. There are still about 3000 Australians in Iran who have registered with the government for help to leave, and more than 1000 in Israel. The latest conflict erupted on June 13, when Israel fired missiles at Iran in a bid to blow up military assets, arguing it was on the cusp of developing nuclear weapons. The battle took a turn on the weekend when the US launched a bombing raid on three underground nuclear facilities in Iran.