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Supreme Court may uphold programs aimed at bringing internet to rural, poor neighborhoods

Supreme Court may uphold programs aimed at bringing internet to rural, poor neighborhoods

CNN26-03-2025

The Supreme Court appeared sympathetic Wednesday to a series of programs geared toward expanding high-speed internet in rural and poor communities, despite a challenge from a conservative group claiming funding for that effort violates separation of powers principles.
After nearly three hours of argument, several of the court's conservatives – along with all of its liberals – raised concerns about a ruling that could upend the way other federal agencies function, including the Federal Reserve and the Securities and Exchange Commission.
If the court upholds the structure of the Federal Communications Commission's funding for the programs, it would represent a departure from its trend in recent years of significantly limiting the power of agencies to act without explicit approval from Congress.
'These are the services that all the rest of us take for granted that you can't take for granted in rural North Dakota,' Justice Elena Kagan, a member of the court's liberal wing, said in summarizing her reading of the law. 'And what this program says is that rural North Dakota citizens should also get what all the rest of us have long had.'
Congress created the Universal Service Fund in 1996 to pay for efforts to expand broadband and phone service in rural and low-income urban parts of the country. Telecommunications companies contribute billions to that fund – a cost that is passed on to consumers – to pay for programs like E-Rate, which lowers the cost of high-speed internet for libraries and schools.
A conservative 'consumer awareness group' challenged that fund as an unconstitutional 'delegation' of the power of Congress to levy taxes. What's worse, the group argues, a private entity calculates the amount of money that must be contributed. The Supreme Court has not invoked the nondelegation doctrine – or the idea that Congress cannot delegate its authority – since the 1930s. It has, for decades, permitted delegations under certain conditions.
Conservative groups have argued the federal agencies have perverted separation-of-powers principles, allowing government agencies to take the lead on difficult choices they say should be left to lawmakers. In this case, they said, it has also allowed Congress to escape paying a political price for taxes.
Several of the court's conservatives, including Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Neil Gorsuch, pressed hard on the idea that there was little accountability for the way the government has structured the program.
'This just a straight up tax without any numerical limit, any cap,' Gorsuch said. 'We have a tax that's unlike any other tax this court has approved.'
But other conservatives, including Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett – both key votes – seemed skeptical that putting a cap on how much the fund could raise would solve the problems critics have raised.
'Your position would say that a solution to the problem … could be a trillion-dollar cap,' Kavanaugh said.
That number, he said, 'could be very high. And then the question is: What exactly are we accomplishing?'
The law allows the FCC to raise a 'sufficient' amount of money to accomplish the broad goal of universal access to telecommunications.
'We would be saying, I think, if we agree with you, 'sufficient' is not good enough but a 'trillion dollar' is, and I think a lot of people would say, 'that doesn't make a lot of sense,'' Kavanaugh said.
The unusual politics of the case created a striking dynamic during the arguments Wednesday in which the court's liberal wing appeared to be siding with the attorney representing the Trump administration, acting Solicitor General Sarah Harris.
'The easiest parts of an argument are where you just have to say 'yes' to everything,' Kagan quipped with Harris after she delivered a series of affirmative answers to Justice Sonia Sotomayor.
Harris faced much tougher questioning from the most stalwart conservative justices.
The Biden administration appealed a ruling from the 5th US Circuit Court of Appeals that struck down the funding mechanism. Under Trump, the Justice Department continued the case, warning the court in a brief that 'Congress has relied on this court's longstanding' approach to the issue to enact legislation authorizing agencies to police unfair competition, oversee the securities industry and ensure the safety of food and drugs.
The Supreme Court's 6-3 conservative majority has in recent years hacked away at the power of federal agencies to act on their own, most recently in a 6-3 decision last year that overturned a 1984 precedent requiring courts to give deference to agency regulations in many circumstances. Federal agency power expanded dramatically after the New Deal, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote for the majority, and courts had veered too far from exercising independent judgment about whether an agency had violated the law.
That decision came on the heels of a blockbuster ruling in 2022 that embraced the so-called major questions doctrine, which bars an agency from issuing a rule with major economic or political impacts absent explicit approval from Congress.
A decision is expected in June.

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U.S. airstrikes in Somalia have skyrocketed when Trump is in office. From 2007 to 2017, under the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama, the U.S. military carried out 43 declared airstrikes in Somalia. During Trump's first term, AFRICOM conducted more than 200 air attacks against members of al-Shabab and the Islamic State. By the end of his first term, Trump was ready to call it quits on the sputtering conflict in Somalia, ordering almost all U.S. troops out of the country in late 2020. But President Joe Biden reversed the withdrawal, allowing the conflict to grind on — and now escalate under Trump. The Biden administration conducted 39 declared strikes in Somalia over four years. The U.S. has already carried out 33 airstrikes in Somalia in 2025, according to AFRICOM public affairs. At this pace, AFRICOM is poised to equal or exceed the highest number of strikes there in the command's history, 63 in 2019. Despite almost a quarter-century of conflict and billions of taxpayer dollars, Somalia has joined the ranks of signature forever-war failures. While fatalities from Islamist attacks dropped in Somalia last year, they were still 72 percent higher than 2020, according to the Africa Center. AFRICOM told The Intercept that the country's main militant group, al-Shabab, is now 'the largest al Qaida network in the world.' (Langley called them 'entrenched, wealthy, and large.') The command called ISIS-Somalia 'a growing threat in East Africa' and said its numbers had tripled from 500 to an estimated 1,500 in the last 18 months. The U.S. recently conducted the 'largest airstrike in the history of the world' from an aircraft carrier on Somalia, according to Adm. James Kilby, the Navy's acting chief of naval operations. That strike, by 16 F/A-18 Super Hornets, unleashed around 125,000 pounds of munitions. Those 60 tons of bombs killed just 14 ISIS members, according to AFRICOM. At that rate, it would take roughly 13,000,000 pounds of bombs to wipe out ISIS-Somalia and about 107,000,000 pounds to eliminate al-Shabab, firepower roughly equivalent to four of the atomic bombs the U.S. dropped on Hiroshima, Japan. Troubles loom elsewhere on the continent as well. 'One of the terrorists' new objectives is gaining access to West Africa coasts. If they secure access to the coastline, they can finance their operations through smuggling, human trafficking, and arms trading,' Langley warned, not mentioning that U.S. counterterrorism failures in the Sahel led directly to increased attacks on Gulf of Guinea nations. Togo — which sits due south of Burkina Faso — saw a 45 percent increase in terrorist fatalities in 2024, according to the Africa Center. Langley also referenced trouble in Africa's most populous nation. 'We're observing a rise in attacks by violent extremist organizations, not only in Niger but across the Sahel to include Nigeria,' Langley warned. He offered a somewhat garbled plan of action in response: 'The scale and brutality of some of these incidents are really troubling. So we're monitoring this closely and these events, and offering of sharing intel with the Nigerian and also regional partners in that area remains constant. We are committed to supporting one of the most capable militaries in the region, in Nigeria.' U.S. support to the Nigerian military has been immense, and Nigerian people have suffered for it — something else that Langley left unsaid. Between 2000 and 2022, alone, the U.S. provided, facilitated, or approved more than $2 billion in security aid to the country. In those same years, hundreds of Nigerian airstrikes killed thousands of Nigerians. A 2017 attack on a displaced persons camp in Rann, Nigeria, killed more than 160 civilians, many of them children. A subsequent Intercept investigation revealed that the attack was referred to as an instance of 'U.S.-Nigerian operations' in a formerly secret U.S. military document. A 2023 Reuters analysis of data compiled by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, a U.S.-based armed violence monitoring group, found that more than 2,600 people were killed in 248 airstrikes outside the most active war zones in Nigeria during the previous five years. That same year, an investigation by Nigeria's Premium Times called out the government for 'a systemic propaganda scheme to keep the atrocities of its troops under wraps.' In his conference call with reporters, held as part of the 2025 African Chiefs of Defense Conference, Langley took only written, vetted questions, allowing him to skirt uncomfortable subjects. AFRICOM failed to provide answers to follow-up questions from The Intercept. During the call, Langley offered a farewell and a pledge. 'This will likely be my last, final Chiefs of Defense Conference as the AFRICOM commander. A nomination for my successor is expected soon,' Langley told The Intercept and others. 'But no matter who holds this position, the AFRICOM mission remains constant. AFRICOM will continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with African partners into the future.' Langley's pleas at the conference suggested less certainty. For years, AFRICOM — and Langley in particular — has been paying lip service to a preference for 'African solutions for African challenges' or as Langley put it last week: 'It's about empowering African nations to solve African problems, not just through handouts but through trusted cooperation.' But he has seemed less than enamored with African solutions that include severing ties with the United States. In April, before the Senate Armed Services Committee, he accused Burkina Faso's leader, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, of misusing the country's gold reserves 'to protect the junta regime.' Langley partially walked back those comments last week and appeared to seek reconciliation. 'We all respect their sovereignty,' he said. 'So the U.S. seeks opportunities to collaborate with Burkina Faso on counterterrorism challenges.' For more than two decades, the U.S. was content to pour billions of U.S. taxpayer dollars into failed counterterrorism policies as deaths mounted across the continent. Today, the dangers of terrorism loom far larger, and the U.S. finds itself shunned by former partners. 'I've been charged by the Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth to mitigate threats to the U.S. homeland posed by terrorist organizations,' said Langley. 'It's about the mutual goal of keeping our homeland safe, and it's about long-term capacity, not dependence.' The current Pentagon official said that Langley had used up what good will he once had. 'I don't think many will be sad to see him go,' he told The Intercept. Langley's tenure may not have sown the seeds of AFRICOM's dissolution, he said, but if the command is ultimately folded into European Command — as some have proposed — he likely helped to hasten it. 'He's been part of this problem,' the official said. 'Maybe him leaving could be one solution.'

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