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Power outage hits Gabonese capital

Power outage hits Gabonese capital

Arab News4 days ago

SEEG said it had managed to restore power to around half of its customers in the capitalFor several months last year, electricity supply was disrupted due to significant infrastructure problemsLIBERVILLE: Gabon's capital Libreville was without electricity for several hours Wednesday following a 'major technical incident,' the national energy supplier said.The early morning power outage 'resulted in the loss of all production facilities in the Libreville Interconnected Network (RIC),' the Gabonese Water and Energy Company (SEEG) said without giving further details.SEEG said it had managed to restore power to around half of its customers in the capital 'by early morning,' adding its teams were working to find and analyze the fault, which AFP reporters said also cut Internet and mobile phone coverage.On Monday, the Gabonese presidency had announced the end of an interim administration of SEEG started in August on the back of a slew of supply cuts.As of Wednesday, 'management of SEEG will be fully transferred' and it will return to its majority shareholder, the Gabonese Strategic Investment Fund (FGIS), the company stated.For several months last year, electricity supply was disrupted due to significant infrastructure problems.A rotating load shedding system was established leading to supply cuts in entire neighborhoods for hours at a time, to enable power supply for other parts of the city.A protocol signed between the Gabonese government and Turkish firm Karpowership for supply of 70 megawatts via two floating power plants to cover greater Libreville saw the situation improve in recent months.Revamping the network is a top priority for Gabon's leader Brice Oligui Nguema, a general who overthrew the Bongo dynasty and won 94.85 percent of the vote in April's election, 19 months on from his August 2023 coup.Earlier this month he vowed to provide 'universal access' to drinking water and electricity.

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Africom's demotion sends a signal: Africa must buckle up
Africom's demotion sends a signal: Africa must buckle up

Arab News

timea day ago

  • Arab News

Africom's demotion sends a signal: Africa must buckle up

US Gen. Michael Langley's blunt declaration at the African Lion 2025 military exercise — 'There needs to be some burden sharing' — resonates less as a strategic evolution and more as polite euphemism for irreversible US retrenchment in Africa. It marks a discernible shift away from the usual rhetoric of good governance and counters the underlying causes of insurgency that defined past US engagement. Instead, Washington is now signaling that its fragile African allies must prepare to stand more on their own. This is not merely a tactical adjustment; it is perhaps the opening salvo in a potential dismantling of the US Africa Command, an institution born in 2008 to symbolize Africa's rising strategic importance. A leaked Pentagon briefing, contemplating Africom's merger back into European Command as a subordinate three-star billet, exposes the core driver: fiscal parsimony disguised as strategic realignment. After all, the projected savings represent a minuscule 0.03 percent of the Pentagon's nearly $900 billion annual budget, leading to one retired general's wry assessment that dismissed the proposed 'merger' as mere cost-cutting rather than well-conceived strategic maneuvering. Strangely, the move contradicts the administration's almost simultaneous escalation of kinetic operations — from loosened airstrike rules in Somalia to expanded combat authorities — revealing a preference for lethal action divorced from the holistic planning a dedicated command is almost always required to provide. On the surface, this bizarre posture does not suggest outright disengagement, as alarmists would have us believe, but a cheaper, more fragmented, and ultimately less effective militarization. 'Burden sharing,' therefore, appears less a call for equitable partnership and more a precursor to transactional disengagement. The underlying calculus seems worryingly mercenary — that is, for African countries to expect enduring US security investments, Washington must first be assured of demonstrable, immediate returns. Of course, this introduces a whole host of questions. Will potential host nations even agree to foot the bill for bases? Will access to critical minerals such as cobalt — vital for batteries, with 70 percent of global supply coming from the Democratic Republic of the Congo — be guaranteed on favorable terms? Favorable to whom? Will US energy firms secure priority contracts? Langley's oblique reference to US support for Sudan, in further comments, hints at this new 'quid pro quo' expectation. Moreover, the systematic dismantling of the United States Agency for International Development and other soft power initiatives under previous budgets leaves the military as the primary, blunt instrument of influence, now wielded with an eye firmly on the balance sheet. This is not multilateralism but rugged transactionalism, where security partnerships exist only if they yield direct, tangible economic or strategic profit that exceeds the cost of deployment. For now, however, the bureaucratic inertia favoring Africom's survival remains formidable. Congressional Armed Services Committee chairs issued an immediate rebuke of any plans to dismantle the institution, declaring combatant commands the tip of the American warfighting spear and vowing to block unilateral changes lacking rigorous process. Their control over the defense budget and security assistance programs grants them significant leverage. But it is unclear whether that will be sufficient to dissuade an administration convinced that a rather different set of rules are now at play across the African continent. For African countries to expect enduring US security investments, Washington must first be assured of demonstrable, immediate returns. Hafed Al-Ghwell Regardless, CASC lawmakers do have a point. The proposed demotion of Africom from a four-star combatant command to a three-star entity under European Command constitutes far more than an organizational reshuffle. It represents a deliberate degradation of Africa's institutional standing within the Pentagon's hierarchy, with profound implications for how US security policy toward the continent is formulated and prioritized. After all, the bureaucratic architecture of the US military assigns immense weight to the rank and position of its commanders. A four-star combatant commander occupies one of only 41 such positions across the entire US military — a rarefied stratum granting direct, unfiltered access to the defense secretary and the president. This constitutes a critical 'action channel,' a formal pathway enabling the commander to shape policy debates, advocate for resources, and present Africa-centric security assessments at the apex of national security decision-making. Removing this four-star billet effectively mutes Africa's dedicated advocate in the rooms where global priorities are set and resources allocated. A three-star deputy, nested within EUCOM's bureaucracy and reporting through a superior focused primarily on European and transatlantic security concerns, simply lacks the equivalent rank, prestige, and direct access necessary to ensure Africa's complex challenges receive commensurate high-level attention, especially when competing against demands from regions such as Ukraine or the Indo-Pacific. However, Africom's toehold on the continent, though opaque, has only become more vulnerable in recent years. The expulsion from Agadez and Niamey, two critical drone bases in Niger with more than 1,100 personnel, crippled intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities across the Sahel. This leaves Chabelley airport in Djibouti — supporting perhaps 4,000 troops and a squadron of MQ-9 Reaper drones — as the sole publicly confirmed, persistent drone hub. Estimates of total Africom personnel fluctuate wildly due to rotational deployments and classified sites, but credible assessments suggest fewer than 5,000–10,000 troops continent-wide at any time, concentrated heavily in Djibouti and Somalia. This scattering across what are known as 'Cooperative Security Locations' and 'Contingency Locations,' potentially two dozen sites with 100-200 troops each, creates persistent entanglement risks. Furthermore, sustaining such a diffuse, vulnerable presence has become politically unsustainable given the lack of clear, publicly defensible victories against resilient groups such as Al-Shabab or Daesh affiliates flourishing in post-Qaddafi Libya and parts of the Sahel. Yet, the confluence is undeniable. The demand for allies to shoulder more risk coincides with a push to downgrade the command structure advocating for sustained engagement, all while expanding kinetic operations on the cheap. Thus, the 'end' of Africom as an independent entity is plausible, even likely — blamed on budgetary scalpels, but mostly due to being a casualty of a transactional worldview. However, this does not in any way signify a total demilitarization of US policy in Africa. Rather, it heralds a more incoherent, reactive, and narrowly self-interested era — and Africa had better buckle up. Military force would remain an option, perhaps even the default option in the absence of robust non-kinetic tools, but planned and executed with less expertise, less consistent oversight, and less regard for long-term stability. Africa, in this emerging era, risks becoming a theater for opportunistic strikes and extractive deals, its complex challenges reduced to a ledger of costs and immediate benefits — a far cry from the 'smart power' aspirations that accompanied Africom's founding.

'Life Moves on' Rabada Looks ahead to World Test Championship Final after Drug Ban
'Life Moves on' Rabada Looks ahead to World Test Championship Final after Drug Ban

Asharq Al-Awsat

timea day ago

  • Asharq Al-Awsat

'Life Moves on' Rabada Looks ahead to World Test Championship Final after Drug Ban

South Africa fast bowler Kagiso Rabada said life moves on and he will never be "Mr I-Apologize-Too-Much" after serving a one-month ban for testing positive for recreational drug use at this year's SA20 competition. The 30-year-old Rabada can resume playing for his country in June, after being named in South Africa's squad for the World Test Championship final against Australia at Lord's from June 11 to 15. Having already apologized for his actions in May, Rabada said he wanted to move on from the incident. "I'm just glad to be playing again. The process was handled really well ... I think, as a player, and a man, people will have their different opinions. I can live with that," Rabada told media on Saturday before leaving for London, Reuters reported. "There are some people who would have been disappointed and to those people I'm deeply sorry ... The people closest to me are the ones I felt I let down. "But life moves on. I'll never be 'Mr-I-Apologize-Too-Much'. But I'll never condone that action." Rabada said he has been speaking with team mates, adding that he plans to do more in the coming days to mend any rifts the incident may have caused. "I think I owe it to them (to talk about what happened)," he said. "They're my team mates. We've come from so far. "I've already spoken to them and I guess we can do so in more detail when we get together for an extended amount of time." Rabada is likely to lead the fast-bowling attack in the World Test Championship final with seamers Marco Jansen, Corbin Bosch, Wiaan Mulder, Lungi Ngidi and Dane Paterson also in the squad. Keshav Maharaj and Senuran Muthusamy are the two specialist spin options.

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