Louth woman ten years after marriage equality referendum – 'It came down to me being a gay person and people accepting me or not'
The three biggest days in Sarah-Jane Travers' life were the day the Irish public voted in favour of the marriage equality referendum, getting married to her wife Eileen and the birth of their son Oscar. And without the first, she doesn't know if the others would have happened.
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The Journal
43 minutes ago
- The Journal
Gerry Adams' comments about 'putting manners' on BBC described as 'chilling' by NUJ secretary
GERRY ADAMS' COMMENTS following his successful libel case against the BBC have been described as 'chilling' by Séamus Dooley, the Irish secretary of the National Union of Journalists (NUJ). The former Sinn Féin president was awarded €100,000 in damages after winning his case at the High Court in Dublin on Friday. Adams said that a BBC Spotlight programme, and an accompanying online story, defamed him by alleging he sanctioned the killing of former Sinn Féin official Denis Donaldson, in which he denies any involvement. A jury found in his favour after determining that was the meaning of words included in the programme and article. It also found the BBC's actions were not in good faith and that it had not acted in a fair and reasonable way. Adams said from his perspective, the case was about 'putting manners' on the BBC. Adams also said: 'The British Broadcasting Corporation upholds the ethos of the British state in Ireland, and in my view it's out of sync in many, many fronts with the Good Friday Agreement.' The NUJ's Séamus Dooley told RTÉ Radio this afternoon that Friday was 'a day which gives us pause for reflection'. While stressing that Adams was entitled to take his case, 'it does have profound implications for the practice of journalism'. 'And I think it has implications both in terms of defamation law, but also for me, in terms of journalism in Northern Ireland, and the relationship between Sinn Féin and journalists in Northern Ireland.' Asked for his reaction to Adams saying he was 'putting manners' on the BBC, Dooley said: 'Well, I found that a chilling comment, actually. Putting manners on the BBC to me means putting them back in their box.' It was put to Dooley that the verdict could have a chilling effect in newsrooms in Ireland. 'That is precisely what Mr Adams meant when he said putting matters on the BBC,' Dooley replied. Advertisement 'That's extremely worrying. It doesn't matter whether Gerry Adams was in the IRA or not, as far as I'm concerned. 'He is a figure of huge significance to journalists, to historians, to academics, and there is no doubt that he had an influence on the shape of history of Northern Ireland. 'And on that basis, any journalist has a right, any academic, to question and probe. 'The issue here, I think under defamation is the issue of fair opinion and how you square that circle.' Given the length of the case and the huge costs associated with it, Dooley said it would be 'very dangerous if journalists who carry out an investigation and have open to them, under legislation, the defence of honest opinion, then were put in the position where they had to settle because of costs'. He said the case raises the need for a review of Ireland's defamation law. 'We need to look at the defence of honest opinion, and how you square that circle in the context of journalists' right to protect sources is a real difficulty.' Dooley said that the NUJ's position in the past had been in favour of juries in defamation cases, but that has since changed. 'I've now reached the conclusion that in defamation cases, that juries are not appropriate, and one of the reasons is we will never know why the jury reached this decision,' he said, adding that if the case had been taken in Northern Ireland, it would have been decided by judges and a written explanation would have been published. Dooley said that reforming defamation law 'has never been a priority' in Ireland. 'I also think we have to look at, both from Mr Adams' point of view and from the BBC point of view, the notion that this case has been running since 2016. 'Does anyone believe that that is fair or reasonable?' He also said asked if the costs involved in taking such a case can be seen as reasonable when it comes to ordinary citizens. The BBC is expected to be landed with legal costs from the case amounting to more than €4m. With reporting from Press Association Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal
Irish Independent
an hour ago
- Irish Independent
Gerry Adams' ‘putting manners on BBC' remark ‘chilling'
Seamus Dooley, the Irish secretary of the National Union of Journalists (NUJ), also said the high profile case showed the need for reform of Ireland's defamation laws, saying the public would never know why the jury made its decision. Former Sinn Féin leader Mr Adams took the BBC to court over a 2016 episode of its Spotlight programme, and an accompanying online story, which he said defamed him by alleging he sanctioned the killing of former Sinn Féin official Denis Donaldson, for which he denies any involvement. A jury at the High Court in Dublin awarded him €100,000 (£84,000) when it found in his favour on Friday, after determining that was the meaning of words included in the programme and article. It also found the BBC's actions were not in good faith and the corporation had not acted in a fair and reasonable way. Mr Adams' legal team said the verdict of the jury was a 'full vindication' for their client while the BBC said it was 'disappointed' with the outcome. Mr Donaldson was shot dead in Co Donegal in 2006, months after admitting his role as a police and MI5 agent over 20 years. Mr Dooley told RTÉ's This Week programme that it was a verdict which would make journalists 'pause for reflection'. He said: 'The first thing we should say is Gerry Adams was entitled to take his case. 'But it does have profound implications for the practise of journalism and I think it has implications both in terms of defamation law but also for me in terms of journalism in Northern Ireland and the relationship between Sinn Fein and journalists in Northern Ireland.' Speaking outside court on Friday, Mr Adams said taking the case was 'about putting manners on the British Broadcasting Corporation'. ADVERTISEMENT He added: 'The British Broadcasting Corporation upholds the ethos of the British state in Ireland, and in my view it's out of sync in many, many fronts with the Good Friday Agreement.' Mr Dooley said: 'I found that a chilling comment actually. He referred to putting manners on the BBC, to me that means putting them back in their box. 'The reality is that Spotlight has, for over 40 years, done some of the most amazing investigative journalism. 'Margaret Thatcher tried to ban Spotlight because of their coverage of Gibraltar Three, they exposed Kincora at the heart of the British establishment, recently they did work on Stakeknife, and in fact the Sinn Féin mayor of Derry led the campaign to save BBC Radio Foyle news service. 'I found the attitude quite chilling but also unfair and unreasonable in the circumstances.' Mr Dooley said that Mr Adams was a figure of 'huge significance' to journalists, historians and academics and had 'influenced the shape of history of Northern Ireland'. He added: 'On that basis, any journalist has a right, any academic, to question and probe.' He said the case underpinned the need for a review of defamation laws in Ireland He said: 'First of all we need to look at the defence of honest opinion and how you square that circle in the context of journalists' right to protect sources, it is a real difficulty. 'For many years the NUJ was in favour of retaining juries. I have now reached the conclusion in defamation cases that juries are not appropriate. 'One of the reasons is we will never know why the jury reached this decision. 'If, as in Northern Ireland, had Mr Adams taken his case in Northern Ireland, the case is heard before judges, you have the benefit of a written judgment, you have the benefit of a detailed explanation of the reason why a verdict is given. 'That provides an insight and a guide. 'Here we don't know.' Mr Dooley also pointed out that proceedings in the case had been running since 2016. Former Sinn Fein member Mr Donaldson was shot dead in Co Donegal in 2006, months after admitting his role as a police and MI5 agent over 20 years. In the Spotlight programme broadcast in September 2016, an anonymous source given the pseudonym Martin claimed the shooting was sanctioned by the political and military leadership of the IRA and that Mr Adams gave 'the final say'. In 2009, the dissident republican group the Real IRA claimed responsibility for the killing and a Garda investigation into the matter remains ongoing. Mr Adams had described the allegation as a 'grievous smear'. Mr Adams has at all times denied sanctioning the murder.
Irish Examiner
2 hours ago
- Irish Examiner
Book review: IWU members' essays offer first-hand accounts of activists on the Contraception Train
The vast accomplishments of modern Irish feminism would look very different without the courageous, yet often overlooked, efforts of Irishwomen United (IWU) activists in the years following the Contraceptive Train. This phenomenal collection of 20 essays offers first-hand, historical accounts of on-the-ground activities during this period, shining a light of neglected truth on the history of how Ireland was changed. In this book, writer and IWU member Evelyn Conlon together with academic Rebecca Pelan, ensure the impact of the organisation will no longer be forgotten. The collective memories of these women describe everything from pickets to sit-ins, self-questioning to dancing, the development of feminist ideas and publishing despite the restrictive laws and attitudes surrounding them. Through relentless, difficult discussions, publications, marches, and allyship with the global feminist and civil rights movement, the ideas of IWU were transformed into action for the sake of reproductive rights, sexuality, representation, and rape crisis work. The foreword from former Irish president Mary McAleese contextualises the collective labour of IWU within a not-so-distant past in Ireland This book also features an archive of original art, flyers, photographs, and memorabilia of the movement. A glimpse at the long-winding track of history behind us reminds us how far we've come. Irishwomen United and its allies set the precedent for change for the next generation. The stories of these women campaigners are not only representative of past movements, they also a call to action for future social justice activists in the fight for liberation and equality for all. Foreword by Mary McAleese The position of women in Irish society in 2025 bears little resemblance to that which existed in 1975, the year Irishwomen United came into existence, though what is clear from these essays is that the changes and improvements gained did not come about without a great deal of effort on the part of women themselves. This collection attests to what can be achieved when goals and pathways to essential egalitarian reforms are collectively prioritised, regardless of political and ideological differences. Irishwomen United drew on successes from the recent and distant past, by bringing together women from vastly different backgrounds in education, class, sexual orientation, and politics. Irishwomen United picketed at Dublin Airport picket over the X Case. Picture: Evelyn Conlon Extraordinarily, their mission thrived on allowing space for these differences to be expressed whilst, at the same time, retaining a clear focus on what needed to be done to improve the lives of Irish women. There was a lot of apathy to be overcome, resistance to be faced down, doubters to be persuaded, and time to be invested over and above the demands of busy everyday lives. That time had to be reinvested over and over again, for this was the work of decades not days. That such a representative group from the 1970s and 1980s has contributed to this collection 50 years after the events is testimony to their commitment to a cause that changed the country in significant ways. For some, the commitment continued as a life-long passion and a central part of who they are. For others, Irishwomen United was a moment in time — an exciting, stimulating, even dangerous one — that set them on a path of personal discovery about themselves and the world around them. The recurring description by contributors of the anticipation, excitement, joy, and satisfaction felt around 4pm on Sunday afternoons in a run-down flat on Pembroke St, Dublin, is palpable and shines bright in memories captured here. Make no mistake, though these meetings were stimulating and enjoyable, they were primarily about planning and strategising on how to change Ireland, in whatever ways were necessary. The equally strong, determined voices from organisations that were part of that change — from Cherish to women's publishing — is fascinating to read. In 1976, I became legal advisor to and co-founder with David Norris of the Campaign for Homosexual Law Reform. The battle then was for decriminalisation, and it was fought tooth and claw with meagre resources, but fierce moral integrity, through the courts of this land and Europe When the fledgling Dublin Rape Crisis Centre (RCC) was being set-up, they requested advice as to the legal issues involved, and I was privileged to be able to give that. A great deal of thought and research went into the establishment of the RCC, with initial meetings taking place from 1977 until the official opening in 1979 and thereafter. The RCC remains one of many enduring success stories from that period. Along with other service agencies from the period — such as Cherish, The Well Woman Centre, and the Irish Pregnancy Counselling Centre, the development of women's publishing and women's studies, the creation of space for the development of lesbian and gay rights, as well as Irish reproductive rights — Irishwomen United and the network of women and groups who changed this country in so many ways, did so from the ground up, building on what had gone before, and changing course only when enough had been achieved to ensure that there would be no going back. 'After the Train: Irishwomen United and a Network of Change' also features an archive of original art, flyers, photographs, and memorabilia of the movement. There were minds to be changed, attitudes to be challenged and, in fairness to the Irish people, the evidence is in that a profound change of hearts and minds is now embedded in civic society. Séamus Heaney wrote perceptively that: "What looks the strongest has outlived its term. The future lies with what is affirmed from under." (From the Canton of Expectation III) From under the centuries-old layers of sexism, misogyny, patriarchy, exclusion, dismissal, and condescension, a new future has emerged and not by accident or coincidence! The 'how' of it you will read here. I heartily commend the contributors to this collection, all of whom have so generously shared their first-hand experience of Irishwomen United and the times of change, and I congratulate the editors on putting together such a fine example of Irish women's voices and history, and in creating a body of work that will continue to be relevant and exist as documentary evidence of just what can be achieved, what grace can fill the voids, when women gather to change their world.
