Freedom and authority in the Catholic Church: Pope Leo XIV's ecclesiological manifesto — housed in the library of Sydney University - ABC Religion & Ethics
In 2002, a scholar at the University of Sydney made a request to Fisher Library for what then seemed to be an unremarkable dissertation. Entitled 'The Office and Authority of the Local Prior in the Order of Saint Augustine', the dissertation was published in 1987 as part of a doctoral degree in Canon Law at the Pontifical College of St. Thomas Aquinas (Angelicum) in Rome.
In the September of the year before the request, its author, Fr Robert Francis Prevost, an Augustinian friar hailing from Chicago, had been elected Prior General of his order after years of pastoral work in Peru, so his views on the order's governance would have been topical. Fisher Library had the foresight to procure a copy that has now resurfaced after its author's unexpected election as Pope Leo XIV.
This precious volume — now in the Rare Books and Special Collections of Fisher Library — is the only copy of the thesis located in the southern hemisphere and one of only a handful of copies worldwide. Unlike previous popes, whose elections were preceded by widely diffused writings, this thesis is the only significant work published by the pope prior to his election. Thus, it gives us crucial insights into the pope's vision for the church and its leadership.
Meeting the challenges of the modern age
From its opening pages, this thesis explores the challenges that modernity poses for the Catholic Church. While Prevost recognises that the church cannot embrace all modern values, he is not antagonistic towards them. As the world has changed, so the church must adapt. Old notions of authority and obedience are no longer sustainable in an age defined by human subjectivity — which he terms 'personalism' in a tacit nod to the ethics of Pope John Paul II:
Values have changed, there is a new understanding of the dignity of each person, and a new age of personalism has been born. Obedience as blind submission to the will of another is no longer accepted, and authority at all levels has been challenged, with claims that promote the values of human liberty and democracy but do not accept or understand the Church's standpoint on authority and obedience.
As Prevost reminds us, this emphasis on freedom resonates with the opposition to authority expressed in the gospels. But for there to be true freedom, there must be authority, and this authority is established by Jesus himself:
Authority is placed at the service of the good of others, this is true; not, however, because and in as much as it is derived from the community, but because it is received from above for governing and judging, originating in a positive intervention on the part of the Lord.
From this premise, the future pope introduces the main theme of his thesis — namely, an exploration of the juridical authority and responsibilities of the local prior in the Augustinian order following the reforms of the Second Vatican Council. Every page is imbued with the spirit of the Council, and indeed the three apostolic duties ( munera ) described in Lumen Gentium , the Dogmatic Constitution of the Church produced by the Council, provide the structural glue for how Prevost articulates the responsibilities of the local prior: munus docendi (duty to teach), munus sanctificandi (the duty to sanctify) and munus regendi (the duty to govern).
A theology of listening
For Robert Prevost, the local prior is one of the most important authority figures in the Augustinian order despite his limited jurisdiction. This is because the decisions of the local prior have the greatest consequences for how Augustinian life is concretely experienced in actual communities.
To a certain degree, Prevost's emphasis on local leadership anticipates Pope Francis's vision of a synodal church that listens to the voices of peripheries. Indeed, some of Pope Leo's first pronouncements after his election reflect his desire to build on Pope Francis's vision. But Prevost's thesis reveals that these statements were made not out of political convenience, but are the result of decades of sustained theological reflection. The source of the future pope's 'theology of listening' is Augustine's understanding of authentic Christian community:
Theologically, an Augustinian community is an attempt to reconstitute the conditions of the first Christian community as described in the Acts of the Apostles and as adopted by Augustine in his Rule. In this community, authority is service, and that service is rendered within a context of listening to what the Spirit is saying in His people so that His projects can be carried out freely and willingly. The Prior then is called to listen, so that together they can discern and implement what the Spirit inspires. This theology of listening as the Spirit welds the group into community provides a framework within which the Chapter's authority can be understood.
As progressive this might sound, Prevost counterintuitively situates this theology of listening within an institutional understanding of power. On numerous occasions, he reiterates the point that a superior's authority is 'is received from God' through the ministry of the church. He relates that this power, following the Jesuit theologian Francisco Suárez (1548–1617), had been previously understood as a potestas dominativa (dominative power) that was grounded on natural law — like parental authority over children. According to this view, the local prior's power does not derive from Christ but is 'born radically from the will of those who profess the vow of obedience and who donate themselves to the religious institute with the promise and obligation to obey according to its Rule'.
Paradoxically, the contractual account of authority used in the Tridentine Church might seem to us more in tune with secular modern individualism, but the future pope rejects this, arguing instead that a local prior's authority is jurisdictional ( potestas iurisdictionis ) and is ultimately derived from the church, which approves the foundation of a religious institute and its constitutions. He concludes, again following Lumen Gentium , that this authority must be considered a divinely bestowed gift or charism that is ministered through the church.
This rare copy of Robert Prevost's doctoral dissertation is the only copy of the thesis located in the southern hemisphere and one of only a handful of copies worldwide. (Credit: University of Sydney Library, RB 5487.2)
Thus, Fr Robert Prevost's emphasis on grassroots leadership, while reminiscent of Pope Francis's insistence on 'a shepherd that smells of his flock', is founded on a much more institutional ecclesiology.
This also transpires in Prevost's meticulous reflections on the procedures and constitutional norms which the local prior must follow in governance. If the vision articulated in Prevost's doctoral thesis plays out, his pontificate will most likely be more predictable and steadier than that of Pope Francis, even as it builds on his predecessor's legacy. I suspect that this is precisely what the cardinal electors wanted when they voted for him.
Daniel Canaris is Lecturer in Italian Studies at the University of Sydney. He is an intellectual historian who specialises in intercultural exchange in the early modern period.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

News.com.au
3 hours ago
- News.com.au
Pies masterclass too much for Hawks
AFL: Collingwood have further cemented themselves as the favourites to win this year's competition with a thumping of Hawthorn in front of a packed MCG.

ABC News
3 hours ago
- ABC News
Defence minister concedes Australia's military spending may need to rise after meeting US counterpart Pete Hegseth
US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth has urged Australia to increase military spending, a day after Prime Minister Anthony Albanese blasted a leading security think tank which warned this country was poorly prepared for the growing risk of regional conflict. Ahead of the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, Defence Minister Richard Marles has told his US counterpart that the Albanese government is willing to have a 'conversation' about lifting expenditure. Australia is on track to reach defence spending levels of 2.33 per cent of GDP by 2033-34, up from its current level of 2.02 per cent, but for months the Trump Administration has pressured the government to get to at least three per cent of GDP. 'I wouldn't put a number on it, the need to increase defence spending is something that he definitely raised,' Mr Marles told the ABC's Afternoon Briefing program following his meeting with the Pentagon boss. 'You have seen the Americans in the way in which they have engaged with all of their friends and allies asking them to do more and we can completely understand why America would do that.' 'What I made clear is that this is a conversation that we are very willing to have, and it is one that we are having, having already made very significant steps in the past.' 'But we want to make sure that we are contributing to the strategic moment that we face, that we all face, and what Pete Hegseth said is entirely consistent with in the way that the Americans have been speaking to all their friends'. 'We understand it and we are very much up for that conversation. On Thursday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese lashed out after a report by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) warned Australia could be left with a "brittle and hollowed defence force" if military funding was not increased. "Well, that's what they do, isn't it, ASPI? I mean, seriously, they need to … have a look at themselves and the way they conduct themselves in debates," Mr Albanese told the ABC following the report's release. "We've had a defence strategic review. We've got considerable additional investment going into defence — $10 billion," the Prime Minister said while insisting his government was acting. Mr Marles is due to meet with counterparts from a range of other countries on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue, which brings together leaders, army chiefs, defence ministers and analysts from across the globe. On Saturday the Defence Minister will use a speech at the event to warn 'we also have to counter the grim, potentially imminent, possibility of another wave of global nuclear proliferation as states seek security in a new age of imperial ambition.' China has been rapidly building up its own nuclear arsenal, while Russia has repeatedly threatened to use nuclear weapons since its invasion of Ukraine. The Defence Minister is expected to call that behaviour a 'profound abrogation of (Russia's) responsibilities as a permanent member of the UN Security Council,' warning that the behaviour of states like Russia, Iran and North Korea could drive nuclear proliferation around the world. 'Not only does this work against states disarming their own nuclear arsenals, as Ukraine responsibly did in 1994, the war is prompting some frontier states most exposed to Russian aggression to consider their options,' he will say. 'And this has dire consequences for our region too. Russia has agreed a strategic partnership with North Korea to access the munitions and troops Moscow needs to continue its war.' 'The probability that Russia is transferring nuclear weapons technology in payment for Pyongyang's support places intolerable pressure on South Korea.' The Defence Minister will also once again criticise China for undertaking the 'largest conventional military build-up since WWII', saying it's doing so 'without providing any strategic transparency or reassurance.' 'This remains a defining feature of the strategic complexity that the Indo-Pacific and the world faces today,' he's expected to say. Mr Marles's speech comes in the wake of a series of meetings this week between Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and a host of Pacific counterparts in the southern city of Xiamen. Officials from Australia, the US, New Zealand and Japan have all monitored the gathering closely, while China has hailed it as a major milestone in its ties with the Pacific. Beijing didn't unveil any major initiatives at the meeting. And while Pacific nations backed Beijing's claim over Taiwan, they didn't issue a direct endorsement of China's commitment to 'reunify' the self-ruled island with the mainland. But one Pacific government source told the ABC that China's criticisms of the Trump Administration's sweeping 'Liberation Day' tariffs, as well as its move to slash aid and dump the Paris Agreement on climate change, resonated with the Pacific countries at the meeting. Shadow Foreign Affairs Minister Matt told the Financial Times that 'the Trump administration's economic policies have created some uncertainty' in the Pacific. But Mr Marles declined to say if he raised Australia's concerns about US aid cuts with Pete Hegseth, simply saying the Trump Administration 'understood' the importance of the Pacific region.

ABC News
4 hours ago
- ABC News
Tariffs a sideshow to greater US problem: economist
Samantha Donovan: Well up until the last couple of weeks, the financial markets have swung wildly after Donald Trump's every utterance on tariffs. Recent reaction to the President's trade policy shifts has been more muted though. Australian Justin Wolfers is a Professor of Economics and Public Policy at the University of Michigan. He told our business correspondent David Taylor, tariffs are now a sideshow to a much greater concern for the international community. Justin Wolfers: The Constitution gives the power over tariffs to Congress, not the White House. Now over the years, Congress has given some of that power, handed it off to the White House, but only in a very limited and constrained way. So a simple reading of the rules would say the President can't do this. So in order to have across the board tariffs or what he calls reciprocal tariffs on every country in the world, he's had to call it a national emergency and invoke the Emergency Powers Act, which is interesting, first of all, because that act says nothing about tariffs. And secondly, there's no emergency. The so-called emergencies, the US has trade deficits with many countries. Bilateral trade deficits are not themselves a problem. So it's been in the works that this was going to get knocked down and it finally hit court last night. The court said this is quite clearly unconstitutional. It was a three judge panel, an Obama judge, a Reagan judge, and a Trump judge. So it seems like a pretty clear decision. So that all seemed pretty clear until the US federal government, the Trump administration, filed an appeal with the Court of Appeals. The Court of Appeals unsurprisingly agreed to hear the case. And while it's waiting to get its work done, so while they're reading the documents and so on, it decided to stay, that is to say reinstate the Trump tariffs. All of this is going to be on a pretty expedited schedule. So within a couple of weeks, they're going to come back with their decision. If, as I expect, they find this to be unconstitutional, then the tariffs will be back off again. Then we'll be off to the Supreme Court. We'll see the same drama play out one more time. And then what happens after that is what's really interesting. Because this is saying you can't have across the board tariffs, but recall Congress delegates certain tariff powers to the White House. And it turns out there's a lot of other statutory authorities that they could use. They're a little narrower. And so for instance, that's why the tariffs on steel and aluminium and cars are going to persist because they did not come through this overreach. And it would be easy to get further tariffs on semiconductors and pharmaceuticals and so on. So my guess is the White House lawyers are just going to find other ways of creating international trade havoc. David Taylor: That kind of goes to my next question though, Justin Wolfers, based on your understanding of recent history and Donald Trump, what is, and I know this is a very complicated and difficult question to answer, but where is Donald, where would you think that Donald Trump's mind is at? What do you think his next move is likely to be? Justin Wolfers: His lawyers will be telling him as of this afternoon, Mr. President, the statutory authority we were using will come under question. But if you want to push ahead with tariffs, I've got lots of other ways that you can do it. My guess based on past history is he'll say that's terrific. Let's keep going. David Taylor: Given that, and given how much you know that financial markets can't stand uncertainty, the market reaction, the financial markets reaction over the past 24 hours, I would describe as being quite muted compared to... Justin Wolfers: I agree. David Taylor: Yeah, why? Why? Justin Wolfers: Yeah, I've given this a lot of thought. So the S&P 500 rose one and a half percent when this was announced. That's quite muted given that the day that Trump... So, and this announced all of these tariffs are illegal and they're off. Compare that to seven days after Liberation Day when Trump announced a 90-day pause on the tariffs that led US stocks to rise by about 9%, like six times more for a pause as opposed to it's unconstitutional and you can't do it. So a few thoughts here. One is perhaps this is markets betting that this is going to be overturned at a later point. Another possibility is markets, even if markets don't think it's going to be overturned, and I don't think it's going to be overturned, I think the use of the Emergency Powers Act will be ruled unconstitutional. But even so, Trump has other ways of imposing tariffs. So I suspect that this is markets understanding someone's getting in the way of Trump creating tariffs the way he wants to, but he's probably just going to come back and do it a different way. If you're really interested in this, I'm going to give you one more interpretation. So the markets were incredibly volatile in early April when he announced Liberation Day tariffs, they tanked. When he paused, they soared. They acted like this was a huge thing. Now there's two interpretations of that. One, markets believe that tariffs are so fundamentally important to the profitability of American businesses they have no choice but to rise and fall dramatically every time something happens. If that were true, then you would have thought that the Supreme Court making it unconstitutional should have caused markets to absolutely soar today, and they merely rose a little. So the other possibility is that the original policy announcement was so incoherent, so poorly thought through, so dramatic, so unconstitutional on its face, so absurd, so much overreach in both the economic, political, and legal domains that it signalled an administration that's out of control, and that could do a lot of damage. And so maybe that's what markets were learning in early April. They reacted a little bit to tariffs and a huge amount to learning that this is an economically unhelpful administration. And if that's the case, then all that we learned today, when the courts say Trump wasn't allowed to do tariffs in a particular way, you're only going to see a small reaction because it's still true that the White House is full of lunatics, and that still weighs on people's minds. Samantha Donovan: Professor Justin Wolfers from the University of Michigan. He was speaking with our business correspondent, David Taylor.