
Syria and Lebanon's moves to centralize power leads to crackdowns on Palestinian factions
File:
Fire burns at a building floor following an Israeli strike, in which the Israeli military said it killed Hamas commander Hassan Farhat, in Sidon, Lebanon, April 4, 2025. REUTERS/Ali Hankir
BASSEM MROUE and KAREEM CHEHAYEB
Beirut-
Lebanon
and
Syria
are cracking down on Palestinian factions that for decades have had an armed presence in both countries and which on some occasions were used to plan and launch attacks against Israel.
The crackdown comes as Syria's new rulers under the Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham are pursuing officials of the former government under Bashar Assad, including those in the ousted president's web of security agencies. Syria's most prominent Palestinian factions were key allies of the Assad dynasty in both war and peacetime and closely cooperated on security matters.
It also comes after Iran's main regional ally, the Lebanese militant group
Hezbollah
, was weakened after over a year of war with Israel and as Lebanon's new government vows to monopolize all arms under the government, including Hezbollah and Palestinian factions in Lebanon.
On Wednesday, Syria's President Ahmad al-Sharaa said his government is holding
indirect talks
with Israel through mediators, who he did not name. He said the aim of the indirect negotiations is to ease tensions after intense Israeli airstrikes on Syria.
Qatar according to media reports is mediating the talks between Syria and israel
A crackdown on hardline Palestinian factions, including the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which took part with Hamas in the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks in Gaza, is likely to be welcomed by Israel.
A Syrian government official declined to comment on the matter.
A Palestinian official who had been in Damascus for more than 40 years, and who recently left the country, said Palestinian factions in Syria were forced to hand over their weapons and the Palestinian embassy will be the only side that Syria's new authorities will deal with. The Palestinian groups would only be limited to social and charitable activities, the official added, who spoke on condition of anonymity fearing for their safety.
'We are simply guests here'
Palestinian factions for decades have lived in refugee camps in Lebanon and Syria and have been involved militarily both locally and regionally. They closely aligned themselves with the Assads and later with Hezbollah in Lebanon, whose powerful military arsenal grew over the past few decades. Over time, many of the leaders of groups like Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad were based in those countries.
However, the regional developments of late 2024 that went against Iran's favor in the Levant began to take shape in recent weeks among the Palestinian factions in Lebanon and Syria.
'No weapons will be allowed in the (Palestinian refugee) camps. The Syrian state will protect citizens whether they are Palestinians or Syrians,' said Syrian political analyst Ahmad al-Hamada, whose view points reflect those of the government. 'It is not allowed for Palestinian factions that were arms for Iran and the Assad regime to keep their weapons.'
When asked whether the state will prevent any attacks against Israel, al-Hamada said Syria will not allow its territories to be used as a launch pad against any neighbor.
Syrian authorities in Damascus this week detained two senior officials of the Iran-backed Palestinian Islamic Jihad group and briefly
detained and questioned the leader
of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, FLP-GC, that since its founding had been a key ally of Assad.
Another Palestinian official with one of the factions that had been based in Syria said the developments caught them by surprise, and that regardless of who runs the country they are keen to have good relations with Syria's new rulers and maintain the country's stability.
'We hope that this wouldn't have happened. But we don't have a say in this,' the official said, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they are still based in the country. 'We are simply guests here.'
The government in Lebanon, which is trying to expand its army's influence in the south near Israel, has also been reclaiming dozens of informal border crossings with Syria, which were key arteries for Iran and its allies to transport weapons and fighters over the years. Many of those crossings were held by PFLP-GC militants who have given some of those positions up to the Lebanese army after Assad's downfall.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who Palestinian factions in Syria oppose,
visited Damascus
last month for the first time in more than a decade and he is scheduled to visit Lebanon on May 21.
'Unprecedented times'
After Israel
intensified its airstrikes
on Lebanon in response to Hamas allegedly firing rockets from southern Lebanon in late March, the Lebanese government for the first time called out the Palestinian group and arrested nearly 10 suspects involved in the operation. Hamas was pressured by the military to turn in three of their militants from different refugee camps.
Ahmad Abdul-Hadi, a Hamas representative in Lebanon, was also summoned by the head of one of the country's top security agencies over the incident and was formally told that
Hamas should stop
its military activities.
Lebanon's President
Joseph Aoun
, who is backed by the United States and Arab countries has said armed factions should not be allowed to 'shake up national security and stability.' His statement has set a new tone after decades of tolerating the presence of armed Palestinian groups in refugee camps which have led to armed conflict in the crowded ghettos.
'I think we're in unprecedented times, politically speaking,' said Mohanad Hage Ali, a senior fellow at the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. 'The (Lebanese) army is acting out of a political will, with its former chief now the president. There is a strong political thrust behind the army.'
A Lebanese government official familiar with the initiative said that Hamas was told to hand over wanted militants and end all its military activity in the country. He added that there is also a plan to gradually give up Hamas' weapons, which coincides with the visit to Lebanon of Abbas, leader of the rival Fatah group.
AP
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


LBCI
4 hours ago
- LBCI
As threats grow on border, Israel questions value of UN peacekeepers in Lebanon
Report by Amal Shehadeh, English adaptation by Karine Keuchkerian Israeli officials have described the international forces operating in southern Lebanon as ineffective, as the Israeli lobby, in coordination with Washington, pushes within the United Nations not to renew the mandate of these forces, according to security officials. According to a security report, Israel's view of the international forces has shifted. It no longer believes their presence in southern Lebanon is preferable to their absence, especially since, in Israel's view, these forces have failed to deter Hezbollah's strength. Reports also note that indirect coordination — conducted through countries allied with Tel Aviv — with the army has proven effective. The actions of the Lebanese army on the ground have become more significant than what the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) can deliver. Israeli officials concluded in internal discussions and security assessments that the combination of security concerns and political interests now leans toward joining the U.S. position, which opposes renewing the mandate — or at least calls for expanding UNIFIL's powers. More importantly, according to a senior security official, current deliberations are focusing on how to restore full freedom of action for Israel to protect its northern border. The official warned that even if UNIFIL's mission is terminated, Israel will not abandon the northern front, and the Israeli military is prepared for any scenario. Through indirect cooperation with the Lebanese army and with intelligence and technological capabilities, Israel will be able to effectively respond to growing threats along the border. This evolving Israeli stance toward both UNIFIL and the Lebanese army raises questions about the credibility of Israel's earlier claims that the Lebanese army was incapable of fulfilling its duties — a position that now appears inconsistent unless Tel Aviv seeks to drive a wedge between the army and Hezbollah supporters in Lebanon.


LBCI
4 hours ago
- LBCI
UNIFIL faces local pushback in Lebanon's south amid Israeli calls to end mission — what's next for the force?
Report by Edmond Sassine, English adaptation by Karine Keuchkerian Amid Israeli calls to oppose the renewal of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon's (UNIFIL) mandate in the country's south and end its mission in August, a series of incidents and protests has emerged in southern villages. Local residents have objected to UNIFIL patrols operating in their neighborhoods and on their land without accompaniment by the Lebanese army. Why, then, is UNIFIL conducting patrols and missions without the army? Or, put differently: If the presence of the army helps ease tensions between UNIFIL and the Hezbollah-supportive population, why isn't the army always present? According to Lebanese sources, UNIFIL carries out daily joint operations with the army but also conducts separate patrols and missions on its own. The limited number of army personnel in the south does not allow for the accompaniment of all UNIFIL patrols, and Resolution 1701 grants the U.N. peacekeeping force the right to move independently. Most UNIFIL patrols, whether or not accompanied by the army, do not result in incidents. The sources add that local objections often stem from specific actions UNIFIL carries out — such as entering private property or filming homes — actions that typically do not occur when the army is present. Trust between the local population and UNIFIL remains low, especially as it frequently conducts operations near Hezbollah-affiliated villages and facilities and sometimes brings media crews along. Meanwhile, it is seen as doing little in practice to confront Israeli violations or enforce the ceasefire. The recurrence of incidents involving specific units has led some Lebanese observers to suggest that there may be an internal push within UNIFIL to assert its role and presence, even in the face of local objections. This could serve to build momentum for modifying the mission ahead of its renewal in two months, aligning with Israeli efforts to end or alter the current UNIFIL mandate. According to the same sources, the current Israeli pressure to terminate the mission resembles the kinds of pressure applied in past years as the renewal deadline approached each August. This time, it is being framed as part of a broader push on Lebanon and Hezbollah to accept a change in UNIFIL's role — particularly in light of the new reality following the war, the losses Hezbollah has sustained, its military pullback from south of the Litani River, and the dismantling of its infrastructure in the area. While several sources confirm that Hezbollah has not decided to escalate or intentionally provoke recent incidents with UNIFIL, the group insists that UNIFIL's activities must be carried out in coordination with the Lebanese army.


LBCI
4 hours ago
- LBCI
With no progress on reconstruction, Lebanon bets on donors to unlock funding
Report by Bassam Abou Zeid, English adaptation by Karine Keuchkerian Since the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah, no meaningful progress has been made on reconstruction. Lebanon had been awaiting the World Bank's approval of a $250 million loan on June 12, but reports now suggest the discussion of the loan may be postponed indefinitely. If the delay carries a message, it is a familiar one: no funds will be released without Lebanon fulfilling its promises. Still, the government remains determined to secure the funding needed for reconstruction, which is expected to come from donor countries and international agencies. The prime minister's office has scheduled a donor conference for Tuesday at the Grand Serail to announce that the first step in the process will be the $250 million loan. The loan is earmarked for debris removal and road and infrastructure repairs, mostly in densely populated areas—not in the heavily damaged front-line villages of southern Lebanon. According to government sources, Lebanon plans to ask donors to help increase the loan amount—first to $450 million, and eventually to $1 billion. The government also intends to present an outline of the overall reconstruction plan. The prime minister's office is banking on some positive developments, including key appointments at the Council for Development and Reconstruction, which will oversee the execution of the projects. Government sources have described the conference as exploratory, aiming to gauge the intentions of donor countries, particularly Gulf states and Arab funds. However, the most that can be expected, according to the sources, are promises of funding contingent on the continued implementation of reforms and concrete steps to ensure stability in Lebanon—especially the disarmament of Hezbollah.