
Dubai gold price drops - will shoppers pre-book for 'Akshaya Trithiya'?
Dubai: Planning to buy gold for next week's 'Akshaya Trithiya' festival? The, right now would be a good time to make a booking for the actual purchase on April 30, with the Dubai Gold Rate having dropped to its lowest since April 15.
A gram of 22K for this weekend is at Dh369, well down on the Dh380 plus the Dubai gold rate had touched last week. (On Akshaya Trithiya, which this year falls on April 30, Indians prefer to add to their gold collections. In the UAE gold trade, it represents one of the biggest single-day sales for them over the years.)
'Book my purchase today – that's the plan,' said a shopper. 'I would have bought on April 30 whatever the price gold is at, but a drop from Dh388 as recently as April 21 to Dh369 a big break.'
The shopper could be better off even more going by trends for gold price movements. There could be more dips, with some analysts saying it could settle around $3,280 an ounce levels.
For some time yesterday, there was hope among UAE shoppers and gold sellers that the Dubai gold rate could even fall to around Dh367 a gram. In the global metals market, bullion prices had been dropping after pushing through to $3,500 an ounce early this week. It's at $3,318 now.
Gold bars or jewellery?
For the first time in some days, jewellery sources are exuding hope that the last week of April is heading for solid sales. Apart from resident shoppers who will come calling on April 30, gold retailers are expecting sizable batches of visitors who will be in town for the Arabian Travel Market in Dubai next weekend. (In India, one gram of 22k is at Rs8,760, down by Rs66.)
"It doesn't matter whether shoppers want gold bars or jewellery," said a retailer. "We just want shoppers back. The recent price rise had spooked everyone.

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Arabian Post
05-06-2025
- Arabian Post
Renewed Race For Gulf-India Aviation Sector Trophy As Stakes Increase Further
By K Raveendran Strong signs of undercurrents are emerging in the aviation space between India and the Gulf. There is renewed tussle over landing rights — the coveted permissions that determine which airlines get to fly where, how often, and with how many seats. For years, this battleground has been tilted in favour of Gulf-based giants, particularly Emirates and later Etihad, both of which have entrenched themselves so deeply in the India-Gulf sector that they dominate passenger volumes, especially among the vast Indian expatriate population in the Gulf. But recent movements suggest that the terrain may be shifting again, albeit not necessarily in India's favour, raising concerns about whether past missteps are being repeated or even institutionalized. The first wave of this dominance came during the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) years, a period that aviation experts and political observers often recall with unease. During this time, India's aviation rights — especially in the high-demand Gulf sector — were offered up with a generosity that baffled many. The most glaring beneficiary was Emirates, which capitalised on India's fragmented aviation policy and the aggressive diplomacy of Dubai government. The role of Praful Patel, then Union Civil Aviation Minister, and N. Chandrababu Naidu, then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, has often come under scrutiny for facilitating deals that disproportionately benefited Gulf carriers. The underlying implication, often whispered but never proven in courts, was that kickbacks were exchanged for each seat Emirates filled on its India routes — a suggestion that continues to fester in the collective memory of Indian aviation policy circles. At that time, Emirates enjoyed a distinct monopoly, owing largely to the fact that it was the sole UAE-based carrier of international standing. With Dubai's rise as a global aviation hub and Emirates' unmatched marketing muscle, the airline quickly scaled up its footprint in India, locking in prime time slots and lucrative routes with little resistance. In effect, Emirates became the default choice for millions of Indians flying to the Gulf and beyond, eclipsing the capacity and visibility of Indian carriers like Air India. This asymmetry didn't just result in a business setback for Indian aviation — it triggered a slow bleeding of India's aviation sovereignty. The profits, the passenger data, the traffic, and the global prestige of being a gateway carrier all accrued to Emirates, while Indian airlines floundered under the weight of policy paralysis and state apathy. Things became even more complicated when Etihad entered the fray. As Abu Dhabi's flagship carrier, Etihad's arrival introduced a new axis of influence in the India-Gulf aviation theatre. Where earlier it was just Emirates leveraging its ties with Indian authorities to expand its rights, now both Emirates and Etihad were competing not just with each other but also for the same slice of the Indian aviation pie. The diplomatic equation thus had to be recalibrated. No longer could Dubai's interests automatically translate into Emirates' gain. Abu Dhabi, backed by the UAE federal structure, began asserting its claim, demanding equitable treatment for Etihad. India, in turn, found itself in a quagmire. Granting more rights to one Gulf emirate risked offending the other. But instead of revisiting its entire bilateral framework or strengthening Indian carriers to hold their ground, Indian policymakers chose the path of least resistance: acquiescing to more requests from both sides. The result was that foreign carriers ended up with the lion's share of rights, while Indian carriers, with limited international ambitions and fleet capacity at the time, were left watching from the sidelines. Fast forward to today, and the script seems eerily familiar. Both Emirates and Etihad are once again lobbying for increased landing rights and additional seat allocations. This comes at a time when the dynamics of the aviation industry have evolved significantly. There is renewed focus on strategic aviation corridors, a post-pandemic surge in travel, and a stronger realisation globally that aviation is not just commerce — it is a soft power instrument. Yet despite all this, India appears to be on the verge of conceding even more ground. That this is happening without a thorough review of how previous concessions impacted national interests is particularly disheartening. A disturbing undertone to this situation is the re-emergence — or rather, the persistence — of the very individuals who were instrumental in the original giveaways. These actors, once thought to have exited the stage after presiding over what some call the 'Great Indian Aviation Surrender,' are now reappearing in various roles, emboldened by their earlier success and perhaps by the lack of accountability. The risk here is not just the erosion of market share but the institutionalization of a defeatist approach to aviation diplomacy, where India negotiates from a position of weakness rather than asserting its growing economic and geopolitical clout. However, the new player that adds an unexpected twist to this ongoing narrative is IndiGo. As India's largest airline by a considerable margin, IndiGo is no longer content with its domestic dominance. It wants in on the Gulf bonanza, and it is using its size, efficiency, and growing international aspirations to demand a bigger seat at the table. This changes the calculus considerably. For the first time in years, there's an Indian private player with both the appetite and the capacity to challenge Gulf airlines on their turf. IndiGo's entry into the fray has the potential to reshape the competitive landscape — provided, of course, the government aligns national policy with corporate ambition. To avoid repeating past mistakes, India must initiate a root-and-branch review of its bilateral air service agreements. The country needs a clear aviation doctrine — one that articulates when, how, and under what conditions foreign airlines may operate in India. This doctrine must prioritize Indian interests, encourage domestic capacity building, and align with broader national objectives. It must also be shielded from short-term political compulsions and the influence of lobbying networks that have historically undermined strategic policymaking. (IPA Service)


Arabian Business
20-05-2025
- Arabian Business
Emirates NBD gets RBI go-ahead to set up wholly owned subsidiary in India
Emirates NBD Bank has secured an 'in-principle' approval from the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), the Central Bank of the most populous nation in the world, to set up a wholly owned subsidiary (WOS) in the country. Setting up a wholly owned unit will allow Emirates NBD to be treated on par with local banks. A statement by the RBI on Monday said: 'Emirates NBD Bank is currently carrying on banking business in India in branch mode through its branches located in Chennai, Gurugram and Mumbai. The in-principle approval has been granted to the bank for setting up a WOS through the conversion of its existing branches in India. 'The RBI would consider granting a licence for commencement of banking business in WOS mode under Section 22 (1) of the Banking Regulation Act, 1949 to Emirates NBD Bank PJSC, on being satisfied that the bank has complied with the requisite conditions laid down by the RBI.' Given the number of Middle East-based, high-net-worth non-resident Indians (NRIs), many of whom are already clients of Emirates NBD, India has always been a huge market for the Dubai bank. Also, India is one of the UAE's largest trade partners, and both countries aim to increase their bilateral non-oil trade to US$100 billion by 2030. Setting up a WOS gives Emirates NBD the option to dilute its stake to 74 per cent or less and list on stock exchanges in India. After a review is made about the extent of penetration of foreign investment in Indian banks and functioning of foreign banks (branch mode and WOSs), the RBI also permits the WOSs to enter into mergers and acquisition transactions with any private sector bank in India subject to the overall foreign investment limit of 74 per cent. Emirates NBD has been linked as a potential majority stake investor in IDBI Bank, which is owned 45.48 per cent by the Government of India and 49.24 per cent by the Life Insurance Corporation of India. Reuters had reported in August last year that the RBI, following a review of potential buyers, had short-listed Emirates NBD, Fairfax Financial Holdings and Kotak Mahindra Bank as bidders. In 2024, the UAE's non-oil trade with India grew by 20.5 per cent to exceed AED240 billion (US$65.35 billion) in 2024, compared to AED199.3 billion in 2023. India has one of the largest banking systems in the world, comprising 13 public sector banks, 21 private sector banks, 44 foreign banks and 12 small finance banks, as per RBI data. As of June 2024, the total number of micro-ATMs in India reached 15,17,580. In 2024, the total assets in the public and private banking sectors were approximately US$3,167 billion. Next steps for Emirates NBD Now that it has RBI's in-principle approval, Emirates NBD will have to register the WOS as a company under the Companies Act, 1956. The new banking company (WOS) will then have to approach the Reserve Bank for issuance of a fresh license. Emirates NBD Bank will then prepare a draft amalgamation scheme for the branches and obtain approval from the bank's shareholders, including those of the Indian subsidiary. The scheme of amalgamation will then have to be approved by the RBI. Established in 1963 as National Bank of Dubai (NBD), Emirates NBD's total assets were approximately AED1 trillion (US$272 billion) as of 31 March 2025. The group now has a presence in 13 countries, serving over 9 million active customers.


Gulf Today
08-05-2025
- Gulf Today
Great move
I read an article in Arts and Culture section of Gulf Today on Tuesday morning and got to know that top Indian professional universities are coming to the UAE. It is great to know that the Indian government is working tirelessly to bring IIM to the UAE. IIT Delhi and Symbiosis have already arrived. As an Indian citizen I feel thrilled to see the development. My children are studying here in an Indian school and I can see their future here. I don't want to send them to my home country as I am working here in Dubai for more than two decades and I want my children to get the best education here. I appreciate the Indian government for bringing world-class instituions like at IIT or IIM to this part of the world. This will also motivate Indian students to work hard to get admission in these institutions. I have always dreamed of IIT and IIM while I was a student, but now, at least my children can aspire to go there and study. The Indian government has worked hard to keep the standard of education very high and that's why today we see lots of Indians working at the highest position all across the globe, be it in Google, Amazon or Microsoft . I hope my children work hard to get admission in top Indian colleges and be the best in the business. Shahzad Ali, By email