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France To Expand Its Nuclear Deterrent With New Air Base

France To Expand Its Nuclear Deterrent With New Air Base

Yahoo18-03-2025

France has said it will establish another nuclear-capable air base — its fourth — which will be equipped with two squadrons of the latest version of the homegrown Dassault Rafale multirole fighter. The change in fortunes for the base, Luxeuil, in eastern France, once threatened with closure, comes as European NATO members, including France, look at bolstering their nuclear deterrence capabilities independent of the United States.
The announcements were made today by French President Emmanuel Macron during his visit to Luxeuil Air Base — locally known as Base Aérienne 116. As a nuclear-capable base, Luxeuil is planned to host the new ASN4G hypersonic missile by 2035. The weapon will arm two squadrons of the most advanced F5-standard Rafales — a total of 40 aircraft. All in all, France will invest around 1.5 billion euros ($1.6 billion) into the installation.
Pointing to the fact that the war in Ukraine 'has changed the situation,' Cédric Perrin, the senator for the region in which the air base is located, confirmed that the first Rafale squadron will touch down at Luxeuil in 2032, becoming operational the following year, while the second squadron will become operational in 2036.
It appears that these 40 advanced versions of the Rafale will be in addition to the 42 examples ordered earlier this year. As well as being compatible with the ASN4G missile, the F5-standard Rafales will also be able to work in conjunction with 'loyal wingman'-type drones.
Macron has just announced that the
Luxeuil airbase B116 will by 2035 host the ASN4G, the
nuclear deterrent's future airborne hypersonic missile, as well as two squadrons of the future F5-standard Rafale fighter jetHe announced this on his way to Germany, and on the day Trump talks to Putin
— Sophie Pedder (@sophiepedder.bsky.social) 2025-03-18T13:52:01.486Z
Whatever the case with the overall Rafale numbers, adding a new nuclear-capable air base for the French Air and Space Force is significant.
Currently, the French Air and Space Force has three air bases equipped with secure weapons storage for nuclear missiles: Saint-Dizier, Istres, and Avord. These bases host roughly 50 two-seat Rafale Bs, which are armed with ASMP-A supersonic missiles and are supported by a fleet of Airbus A330 MRTT Phénix aerial refueling tankers.
If the 40 nuclear-tasked Rafales at Luxeuil will be in addition to the existing ones, rather than a direct replacement, that would represent a major expansion of France's nuclear deterrence force. It would also imply that the total number of warheads fielded by the French Air and Space Force will be increased significantly. As of 2015, it was confirmed that France had 54 operational ASMP-A missiles.
Also significant is Macron's announcement of this nuclear expansion as he traveled to Germany to meet officials there, and on the same day that U.S. President Donald Trump had talks with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin.
This kind of signaling serves as a demonstration of French independent nuclear deterrence toward Russia and, at the same time, is likely geared toward encouraging Germany to approve major new defense investments of its own. Meanwhile, in Berlin, the parliament is voting to remove constitutional limits on defense spending.
Ahead of Macron's trip to Luxeuil, it was stated that the primary aim was to underscore 'the key role of the air base' and its importance 'in collective defense and regional security.'
That latter point also refers to the growing momentum behind the idea of some kind of expanded nuclear deterrence among European NATO members, separate from the nuclear-sharing program that relies on the United States. This idea has emerged out of the deepening crisis in the transatlantic alliance under President Trump, emphasized by recent calls from German leader-in-waiting Friedrich Merz for talks with his British and French colleagues about European 'nuclear sharing or at least nuclear security.'
Last month, as TWZ reported at the time, it also emerged that France was apparently looking at the possibility of deploying air-launched nuclear weapons in Germany, another measure that could come to pass if it's determined that the United States may no longer guarantee European security under NATO. Macron's announcement today of a new nuclear-capable air base on French territory also points to a willingness to develop this kind of deterrence infrastructure, although establishing a base of this kind in Germany, whether on a permanent or temporary basis would be a lot more complicated. Furthermore, Luxeuil was a previous nuclear-capable base, before that mission was removed in 2011.
As for the F5-standard Rafale, this latest iteration is planned to keep the multirole combat aircraft in frontline service until around 2060. Initial studies for F5 were started last year, with full-scale development to begin in the 2026-27 timeframe.
Modifications to the Rafale's airframe are also being considered, including the adoption of conformal fuel tanks and of radar-cross-section reduction kits, to increase the stealthiness of the jet.
The Rafale F5 is expected to have a focus on collaborative combat, including crewed-uncrewed teaming with drones, as well as incorporating new-generation weapons like the ASN4G, the next-generation standoff nuclear weapon for the French Armed Forces.
Work on the ASN4G (Air-Sol Nucléaire de 4e Génération, or fourth-generation nuclear air-to-ground) missile began in 2016. The munition remains in the early stages of development, but it will be capable of hypersonic speeds — defined as speeds greater than Mach 5 — with a range in excess of 1,000 kilometers (621 miles).
The sucessor of the ASMPA-R is already in the works with the ASN4G. It will be hypersonic (Mach 6/7), and stealthier. In 2024, the program MIHYSYS was launched to began development of components for hypersonic flight. 20/22 pic.twitter.com/w59oZnLnwD
— VLS Enjoyer (@VLS_Appreciator) March 3, 2025
This compares with a speed of over Mach 3 for the current ASMP-A, which is powered by a liquid-fuel ramjet engine over a maximum range of around 500 kilometers (310 miles), depending on the flight profile. The ASMP-A is equipped with a thermonuclear warhead of around 300 kilotons.
For the French Air and Space Force, today's announcement of major investment in the (nuclear) future of the base is significant.
But the decision also has wider relevance, pointing to a growing feeling within Europe that its future nuclear deterrence guarantees will increasingly have to be developed using local resources and offer a much greater degree of independence from U.S. decision-making — while remaining within the framework of NATO.
In this regard, France already has a headstart.
The French deterrent includes both submarine-launched ballistic missiles and air-launched nuclear missiles of its own design. More importantly, these weapons are technically independent of NATO nuclear planning, unlike the British nuclear deterrent, which is also closely intertwined with that of the United States.
How this would all play out when confronted by the realities of a nuclear conflict involving NATO is unclear, but it does at least provide Paris with more flexibility when it comes to discussions of how its nuclear umbrella might be extended to European NATO allies.
Now, with another nuclear-tasked air base on the cards, France is making a very clear statement of intent about its independent nuclear deterrence, which is set for a major expansion just at the time when other NATO partners in Europe are seeking more reassurance in this regard.
Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

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Uzbekistan Builds Where the West Withdrew
Uzbekistan Builds Where the West Withdrew

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Uzbekistan Builds Where the West Withdrew

Uzbekistan's interest in connectivity with Afghanistan is driven by economic opportunity, energy cooperation, security needs, and geopolitical strategy - factors that will help Uzbekistan access new markets and stabilize the region. Ambassador Javlon Vakhabov of the International Institute for Central Asia in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, calls it 'Stability Through Connectivity.' That is, Uzbekistan favors pragmatism over trying to isolate Afghanistan, and a policy that balances humanitarian support and regional security. The Central Asia republics (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, the Kyrgyz Republic, and Turkmenistan) were on the border of the wars in Afghanistan, i.e., the Afghan civil war (1992-1996, 1996-2001) and the U.S.-led NATO occupation (2001 – 2021), which they consider 'lost decades' of economic growth and social development. The republics' leaders know they and Afghanistan are 'neighbors forever' and do not have the luxury of retreating to North America if things go wrong, so policy must acknowledge geography. Uzbekistan's engagement with the Taliban began long before NATO evacuated Afghanistan in August 2021. In 1997, then-Uzbek president Islam Karimov proposed the Six plus Two Group on Afghanistan,which grew from an understanding that dialogue and a political settlement, nor armed force, was the path to peace. The group was unable to persuade the warring sides – the Taliban and the United Front (formerly the Northern Alliance) – to pursue a March 2018, Uzbekistan hosted the Tashkent Conference that urged direct peace talks without preconditions between the Taliban and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Unfortunately, the Taliban said it would only negotiate with the United States, the "foreign occupying force,' and demanded the departure of foreign troops before the start of negotiations. In July 2022, Tashkent hosted a conference on Afghanistan, attended by representatives of 30 countries. It was an opportunity for the international community to take the measure of Taliban officials and for the Taliban to encourage investment in Afghanistan and seek the release of Afghan assets seized by the West after the fall of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The tone of the event was forward-looking, but Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev, '…reiterated the international community's conditions for formal diplomatic recognition, namely 'forming a broad representation of all layers of the Afghan society in state governance, ensuring basic human rights and freedoms, especially of women and all ethnic and confessional groups.'' Tashkent has consistently called for engaging with Taliban-run Afghanistan, including unfreezing the $9 billion in state assets that were seized by American and European authorities after the ouster of the Kabul government in August 2021 Central Asia is a water-stressed region and Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are in the 'severe water stress' category. The construction of the Qosh Tepa canal in Afghanistan threatened to increase tensions between the Taliban-led Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan by reducing the water flow of the Amu Darya River by 15-20% - a disaster for Central Asia agriculture. (In Uzbekistan, agriculture accounts for 25% of GDP and about 26% of the labor force.) In April 2025, Uzbekistan and Afghanistan agreed to cooperate in sharing the water resources in the Amu Darya River Basin. The republics are concerned as 'a significant reduction in the Amu Darya's flow could lead to ecosystem degradation, increased soil salinity, and deteriorating living conditions for populations downstream…[and] could hinder efforts to restore the Aral Sea and further exacerbate the region's environmental challenges.' Though Uzbekistan has not recognized the government of Taliban-run Afghanistan, the agreement on transboundary water resources demonstrates bilateral relations are becoming 'increasingly institutionalized.' Tashkent prioritizes its interests to address not just water resources but the threat of terrorist groups, 20 of which may be sheltering in Afghanistan. This effort will require serious diplomacy by all parties and is an opportunity for Uzbekistan (and the U.S.) to provide technical assistance to ensure the canal is built to minimize excessive water loss and soil salinization. Uzbekistan should take the opportunity to substitute crops less thirsty than cotton for the country's growing textile sector which plans to grow textile exports to $10 billion, and continue to import cotton from Turkey, China, and Bangladesh. (Uzbekistan also imports cotton from Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan but should take the opportunity to lead the region away from crops that deplete its water supply.) One step to peacefully resolve the water problem is to make Afghanistan a party to the 1992 Almaty Agreement which regulates water allocations based on the Soviet-era shares of water among the then-Soviet Central Asia republics. The agreement is implemented by the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination of Central Asia (ICWC) and making Afghanistan a member of the ICWC is a way to make it part of the solution and not the problem. It will teach the Taliban the 'rules of the road' in Central Asia and ensure the republics' officials have a clear understanding of Taliban personalities, motivations, and priorities. Other connectivity initiatives are: The Termez free economic zone which offers a 2-week visa for Afghan visitors and features a customs office, a hotel, storage facilities, and capacity to handle 100,000 trucks and 900,000 tons of goods a year. Trans-Afghan railway, a $7 billion, 765-kilometer link to Pakistan's ports that is expected to cut transport costs by 30–40%. And Uzbekistan may soon conduct preliminary studies on extending the railway from Hairatan to Herat, a jumping-off point for trade with Iran and Turkmenistan. Surkhan–Puli-Khumri Power Line, a 1,000 MW line to support electrification of Afghan transport, and that may potentially link to the CASA-1000 power project, a joint venture between Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. (Uzbekistan is already the leading exporter of electricity to Afghanistan, supplying nearly 60% of Afghanistan's electricity imports.) Once operational, the line will increase Uzbekistan's electricity exports to Afghanistan by 70%, delivering up to 24 million kWh daily or 6 billion kWh annually. The project spans 245.6 kilometers, with 45 kilometers on Uzbek territory—already completed—and 200.6 kilometers in Afghanistan. The capacity of this line will not only enhance power availability but also facilitate the electrification of the Hairatan–Mazar-i-Sharif railroad, reducing transportation costs by replacing diesel-powered trains with cleaner electric locomotives. Uzbekistan sees many opportunities in Afghanistan and in 2024 trade climbed to $1.1 billion, most of that exports from Uzbekistan. There are commercial opportunities to be sure, but Tashkent does not want to contain Afghanistan, but to use it as a regional bridge, and not just for trade. There are concerns Afghanistan is a potential source of future transnational terrorism, though that may be stymied by intelligence sharing between the Taliban and the U.S., who share concerns about the Al-Qaeda (AQ) and the Islamic State – Khorasan Province (IS-K) presence in Afghanistan. More trade will not necessarily make Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State change their policies but more economic opportunity may make it harder for them to find recruits, and efforts like funding madrassas in Afghanistan may help detoxify the educational system. And the Taliban can build legitimacy if they are seen to be putting the peoples' welfare first by encouraging trade and business. That won't be favored by the U.S., but after two decades of mayhem in the Hindu Kush, much instigated by America, Washington should encourage action – by anyone - that allows Afghanistan to build infrastructure and make money by means other than poppy cultivation. Outside meddling in Afghanistan usually leads to tears, but if Tashkent can work with the moderate, outward-looking Taliban based in Kabul that want to improve the economy, it may subtly tip the balance against the hard-liners in Kandahar. (Yes, Siraj Haqqani and Mullah Omar are the 'moderates' but that is where we are right now.) Uzbekistan may have a role in the future exploitation of critical minerals in Central Asia and can help the U.S. build a secure critical mineral supply chain. According to Visual Capitalist, 'Out of the 50 minerals deemed critical by the U.S. government, the U.S. is 100% reliant on imports for 12 of them, and over 50% reliant for another 321 critical minerals.' Central Asia and Afghanistan are endowed with critical minerals but their isolated location presents a difficult transport problem. Also, mining and processing rare earths requires a lot of water which is in short supply in the region, though a new Chinese technology may triple production speed and reduce pollution, but will put China in a key position, something the U.S. will probably oppose. Andrew Korybko notes that partial completion of the Trans-Afghan railway may still benefit the republics if they can backhaul Afghanistan's minerals for processing in the republics or in Russia or China. The republics will need to secure investment for local, sustainable processing of the minerals (with off-take agreements), but Washington and Brussels must make serious offers to keep the stuff out of Russian and Chinese hands. (Exhortations by Washington to 'do the right thing' and not sell to China and Russia, backed by the hint of sanctions, are a tax on Central Asia and only diminish America's standing in the region.) Uzbekistan, a double-landlocked country, faces hurdles accessing global markets. Connectivity with Afghanistan offers a pathway to South Asia, particularly through Pakistan's seaports Karachi and Gwadar, though Uzbekistan is improving trade relations with Iran as its ports Bandar Abbas and Chabahar, and access to the North-South Transport Corridor, are 'Plan B' if the trans-Afghan route is untenable. Over the past decade, Tashkent has sought to make Central Asia a 'safe neighborhood,' and many of Uzbekistan's priorities, such as peacefully settling border disputes with the neighboring republics and encouraging a broad-based government in Kabul, are shared by Washington, but the Central Asia republics have a broader definition of the regional security, one that is grounded in diplomacy human development, and trade, and that includes trade and normal political relations with Russia, China, Iran, and Afghanistan. Central Asian is no longer a platform for the NATO campaign against the Taliban, but will it become a platform to engage the Taliban, who probably aren't going anywhere despite Washington's ongoing economic warfare. In April, Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev announced he is ready to work with the European Union (EU) and other international partners to support Afghanistan's development 'to overcome the current crises,' a policy that was welcomed by the Taliban. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and António Costa, President of the European Council, visited Uzbekistan in April with the intent, in von der Leyen's words, 'to take our partnership with Central Asia to the next level.' Aside from the standard fare of promoting European foreign direct investment to the region, securing access to critical minerals, and promoting educational exchanges, Central Asia's putative European partners should move smartly to work with the republics to ensure Afghanistan a productive member of the region and no longer a source of terrorism and narcotics. The failed NATO mission in Afghanistan, though it included European troops, is seen as an American loss, giving Europe more post-war maneuver room in Central Asia. And Europe will rely more than America on East-West trade from Asia via the Belt and Road and the Middle Corridor, so it may be the right partner right now for Central Asia. But the Central Asian republics aren't waiting for the EU and international partners to get to work. In May 2025, shortly after Mirziyoyev's announcement, Tashkent commissioned the Termez Dialogue on Connectivity Between Central and South Asia as a permanent platform for regional connectivity. Uzbekistan and Afghanistan both favor an 'economy first' policy with their neighbors, which the republics call "acceptance of reality" in the wake of the West's failed nation-building project in Afghanistan. The same week the republics' delegates convened in Termez, Uzbekistan to plan to boost Central and South Asian connectivity, Pakistan, China and Afghanistan agreed to expand the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) to Afghanistan. CPEC has fallen short of the partners' expectations, so it remains to be seen if including Afghanistan is a smart move or will just burn more of China's money. And on the heels of the Termez meeting, Iran and China launched a railway route from Xian in western China to the Aprin dry port near Iran's capital, Tehran. The route will reportedly cut travel time from 30 days via sea to 15 days and will avoid the Strait of Malacca and the Hormuz Strait, chokepoints the U.S. Navy hoped to exploit in future conflicts. The route will not pass through Afghanistan but is Beijing's vote of confidence in the region as a connectivity space. Uzbekistan and the other Central Asia republics helped NATO in Afghanistan but it was all for naught, so now it's time for get back to basics - economic and social development - via initiatives like the Uzbekistan 2030 Strategy, and promoting good governance and increasing civic engagement through initiatives like the Center for Progressive Reforms. Washington should focus on how it can assist these sorts of efforts by the republics and not be distracted and agitated by their commonsense wish to not isolate neighboring Afghanistan. By James Durso for More Top Reads From this article on

Widely shared video claims to show Ukrainian soldiers shooting deserters. Here's what we know
Widely shared video claims to show Ukrainian soldiers shooting deserters. Here's what we know

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Widely shared video claims to show Ukrainian soldiers shooting deserters. Here's what we know

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(Sightengine/Hive Moderation/Snopes Illustration) The 68th Brigade of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, mentioned in the footage caption, posted footage on its Facebook (archived) page (archived) which they said was recorded near Pokrovsk around the time the video circulated. The General Staff of the Ukrainian Armed Forces (archived) (archived) (archived) confirmed fighting in the area around June 4-5. Desertion has been an ongoing problem for the Ukrainian Armed Forces since Russia's invasion in 2022. The Associated Press reported in November 2024 that more than 100,000 soldiers had been charged under Ukraine's desertion laws since February 2022. 68 окрема єгерська бригада ім. Олекси Довбуша. "20 Хвилин На Ремонт Підбитого "Вампіра" Прямо На Позиціях – Для Бійців 68 Окрема Єгерська Бригада Ім. Олекси Довбуша Це Не Звучить Як Щось Нереальне." Facebook, 2 June 2025, ---. "Журналісти 11 Канал. 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White House tries to water down Russia sanctions
White House tries to water down Russia sanctions

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White House tries to water down Russia sanctions

Donald Trump is pressuring a US senator to weaken a Bill that would impose sweeping sanctions on Russia. White House officials hoping to mend relations with Moscow have been quietly contacting senator Lindsey Graham's office urging him to water down his Bill, which aims to cripple Vladimir Putin with huge sanctions. The Bill, backed by nearly the entire Senate, would impose 500 per cent tariffs on countries that continue to buy Russian oil and gas, which bankrolls Putin's war effort. Officials have been demanding the Bill include waivers that would allow Mr Trump to choose who or what was sanctioned, congressional aides told the Wall Street Journal. Other attempts to weaken the legislation include softening the language, replacing 'shall' with 'may' to avoid making the reprimands mandatory. Removing the mandatory nature of the sanctions would render the Bill effectively toothless and do little to hamper Putin's war machine, aides fear. 'We're moving ahead and the White House is included in our conversations,' Richard Blumenthal, senator and lead Democratic co-sponsor of the Bill, told the paper. Russia's war effort is funded by fossil-fuel exports. Moscow has adapted to existing sanctions with relative ease, turning to North Korea and China for support. Fearing the impact on pump prices, Joe Biden, former president, was unwilling to crack down on Russian energy exports. Mr Trump, has threatened to impose sanctions on Ukraine, as well as Russia, if the two sides fail to reach a peace agreement. 'Any sanction package must provide complete flexibility for the president to continue to pursue his desired foreign policy,' a White House official said. They added that the constitution 'vests the president with the authority to conduct diplomacy with foreign nations'. Speaking in the Oval Office alongside Friedrich Merz, German chancellor, on Thursday, the US president said that the Bill should not move forward without his express approval. 'They'll be guided by me. That's how it's supposed to be,' he told reporters. 'They're waiting for me to decide on what to do.' Last week, Mr Graham and Mr Blumenthal visited Ukraine where they applauded the country's drone attack that destroyed 40 aircraft deep inside Russian territory. However, they were ridiculed and accused of 'stirring up' the conflict by key allies of Mr Trump, including Steve Bannon. 'By trying to engage Putin – by being friendly and enticing – it's become painfully clear [Putin's] not interested in ending this war,' Mr Graham said earlier this week. '[Putin] needs to see and hear that message as well from us, from the American people,' said Mr Blumenthal. Both said that failing to act now could pull the US deeper into the conflict later. If Putin isn't stopped in Ukraine, Mr Blumenthal said, Nato treaty obligations could compel US troops into battle. Earlier this week, Russian negotiators tabled a long memorandum, resembling a complete capitulation for Ukraine, in a second round of direct talks with Kyiv in Istanbul. They demanded Ukraine must withdraw its troops from four eastern regions that Russia only partially occupies and that international recognition of Russian sovereignty over them and Crimea must be granted. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.

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