Ukraine sends batch of flour to Syria under Grain from Ukraine programme
Ukraine has shipped another batch of humanitarian aid comprising 3,850 tonnes of flour as part of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's Grain from Ukraine programme.
Source: Vitalii Koval, Minister of Agrarian Policy and Food of Ukraine
Quote from Vitalii Koval: "Another batch of humanitarian aid has arrived in Syria. Together with the UN World Food Programme, the flour will be distributed to local bakeries. In total, the Ukrainian flour will be enough to feed almost 60,000 people for six months."
Details: The minister recalled that Ukraine has previously delivered 500 tonnes of wheat flour to 33,250 families in Syria.
Background:
In January, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha and Agriculture Minister Vitalii Koval agreed to coordinate efforts to scale up the Grain from Ukraine programme and transform it into Food from Ukraine.
Austria contributed €2 million to the Grain from Ukraine food programme.
Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Newsweek
41 minutes ago
- Newsweek
Russia Won't End Ukraine War Until NATO 'Pulls Out' of Baltics: Moscow
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. The Ukraine war won't end until NATO withdraws troops from the Baltics, a top Russian official has warned. Sergei Ryabkov, Russia's deputy foreign minister responsible for U.S. relations, nonproliferation and arms control, made the remarks in an interview with state-run news agency Tass. Newsweek has reached out to the Kremlin and NATO for comment by email. Why It Matters Ryabkov's comments mark a shift in the Kremlin's position. He suggested that the conflict's roots lie not only in Ukraine itself but in NATO's eastward expansion. According to Ryabkov, the withdrawal of NATO forces from the Baltics would help bring an end to the war. What To Know NATO maintains a strong military presence in the Baltic States, with multinational battle groups and brigades stationed in Bulgaria, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. The military alliance bolstered its presence in the region in the wake of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It said in an update on June 6 that the eight battle groups "demonstrate the strength of the trans-Atlantic bond and the Alliance's solidarity, determination and ability to respond to any aggression." Also, Sweden and Finland have switched from being neutral to joining NATO since the invasion. The Kremlin had said Ukraine must abandon its ambitions to join NATO as a condition for ending the war, but Ryabkov appeared to signal to Tass that the alliance must withdraw completely from the Baltics as well. In the article titled "Deputy Foreign Minister Ryabkov: It is impossible to resolve the conflict until NATO pulls out," the official argued that resolving the conflict in Ukraine requires addressing what he described as the root causes. "The American side requires practical steps aimed at eliminating the root causes of the fundamental contradictions between us in the area of security. "Among these causes, NATO expansion is in the foreground. Without resolving this fundamental and most acute problem for us, it is simply impossible to resolve the current conflict in the Euro-Atlantic region." Ryabkov suggested NATO's eastward expansion was central to the war. "Given the nature and genesis of the Ukrainian crisis, provoked by the previous U.S. authorities and the West as a whole, this conflict naturally acts, well, if you like, as a test, a trial, which checks the seriousness of Washington's intentions to straighten out our relations," he said. Last month, three Russian sources with knowledge of Washington-led negotiations told Reuters that Putin's conditions for ending the Ukraine war include a written pledge from Western leaders to halt NATO's eastward expansion. What People Are Saying A senior Russian source with knowledge of top-level Kremlin thinking told Reuters in an article published on May 28: "Putin is ready to make peace but not at any price." A second source told Reuters: "Putin has toughened his position." Sergei Ryabkov, Russia's deputy foreign minister, told Tass: "Trump's return to the White House, declaring his commitment to a political and diplomatic settlement of the Ukrainian crisis, has become a reason for cautious optimism in terms of a potential normalization of relations with the United States, but also in a broader sense. "It was in this vein that the presidents of Russia and the United States held four telephone conversations. Our side expressed gratitude for the United States' support in resuming direct negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, interrupted by the Ukrainian side in 2022. "But Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin also confirmed the basic principle of the need to eliminate the root causes of the conflict within the framework of political and diplomatic efforts. Otherwise, long-term peace cannot be ensured, and in concrete terms, it is necessary to exclude any opportunity for the Ukrainian Armed Forces to take advantage of the pause for a respite and regroup their forces." What Happens Next Moscow and Kyiv will continue to launch strikes on each other's territory, with the war in Ukraine showing few signs of a peace deal in the near future.
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
Key to Russia's potential defeat lies in its economy
As the war in Ukraine grinds on, attention remains fixed on the battlefield. But Russia's most vulnerable flank is not in the trenches — it's in the treasury. The West, and especially the United States, holds economic levers that could push Vladimir Putin toward serious negotiations or even collapse his ability to sustain the war altogether. Recent developments signal a shift in Washington's posture. Military aid to Ukraine has resumed, and a landmark U.S.-Ukraine resource agreement was signed on April 30. More significantly, senators — led by Republican Lindsey Graham — are advocating sanctions that would impose 500% tariffs on Russian oil and commodity exports. Moscow has reacted with alarm, calling this initiative a 'counteroffensive from the American deep state.' It's no bluff. The Kremlin is right to be worried. What truly threatens Putin's war machine is energy revenue — or rather, the loss of it. The Russian economy is deeply dependent on oil and gas exports, with the 2025 federal budget based on an oil price of $70 per barrel. But Russian Urals crude is now priced around $60, and could fall further. Saudi Arabia, frustrated by non-compliance within OPEC+, is allowing oil prices to drop, potentially triggering a price war. Riyadh has openly stated it can withstand a prolonged period of low prices — a veiled threat aimed at Moscow and other OPEC+ defectors. Read also: Exclusive: Russia's ballistic missile production up at least 66% over past year, according to Ukrainian intel figures The effects are already visible. Russia has slashed its oil revenue forecast for 2025 by 24%, with the Finance Ministry predicting a drop from 11 trillion to 8.3 trillion rubles. The country's oil production could decline by up to 50% by 2030, largely because newer reserves are technically difficult and capital-intensive to extract. That's why Moscow is quietly seeking Western — specifically U.S. — expertise to develop these fields. A coordinated, firm sanctions regime from Washington and Brussels could shut that door completely. Simultaneously, the U.S. and Saudi Arabia are deepening their energy partnership, particularly in liquefied natural gas (LNG). Saudi Aramco has reportedly signed memoranda of understanding with American LNG exporters like NextDecade and Sempra. The latter already holds a major supply contract with Poland's Orlen, and the U.S. is now poised to become a key alternative gas supplier to Central and Eastern Europe. These investments will expand global LNG capacity and bring prices closer to the U.S. Henry Hub benchmark — lowering Europe's dependence on Russian gas. Poland and Ukraine are moving to capitalize on this trend. Warsaw has announced plans for a second floating LNG terminal, which could eventually supply Slovakia and Hungary — two nations historically reliant on Russian gas. Ukraine, meanwhile, is gaining investor interest now that the U.S. has committed to a joint Reconstruction and Investment Fund, funded through future resource extraction projects. For the first time since the full-scale invasion began, Western business sees a path forward in Ukraine's energy sector. The implications for Russia are grave. Military spending has ballooned to 6.3% of GDP — its highest level since the Cold War — while the budget deficit continues to rise. To fund its war, the Kremlin is raiding reserves, raising taxes, and cutting social programs. Absent war spending, Russia might already be in recession. The regime increasingly relies on military conflict to justify domestic hardship and consolidate power. Read also: Inside Russia, calls for peace come with conditions — and Kremlin talking points But the geopolitical landscape is shifting. The combination of low oil prices, expanding LNG competition, and targeted U.S. sanctions could inflict sustained economic damage on Russia without risking American or European lives. Energy diplomacy, not just weaponry, could determine the outcome of this war. The next steps are critical. The White House must maintain pressure — not just by providing Ukraine with military aid, but by deepening its energy cooperation with allies and enforcing robust sanctions. The message to Moscow should be clear: the price of continuing the war will be economic asphyxiation. If the United States can coordinate its economic tools with allies in Europe and the Middle East, Russia may find itself unable to afford the very war it insists on waging. Submit an Opinion Editor's Note: The opinions expressed in the op-ed section are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Kyiv Independent. We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
Putin promised to make Ukraine pay for its airbase attacks. What does he have left?
For more than three years, Russia has used its fleet of bombers to rain hellfire on Ukraine. On June 1, Kyiv responded by going after those bombers. The operation, codenamed 'Spiderweb,' was 18 months in the making. Dozens of hidden drones emerged from trucks parked in Russia, racing to airfields thousands of miles from Ukraine and destroying at least 12 bombers. Although the operation was a huge boost for Ukrainian morale, many in the country braced for Moscow's retaliation. Their fears sharpened when Russian President Vladimir Putin told his US counterpart Donald Trump on Wednesday that the Kremlin would 'have to respond' to the attack. Russia's initial retaliation began Thursday night, in the form of a massive drone and missile strike on Kyiv and across the country. Russia's Ministry of Defense described the strikes as a 'response' to Kyiv's 'terrorist acts.' The attack was punishing, but not qualitatively different to what Ukraine has grown used to over three years of war. Olha, a 67-year-old resident of Kyiv who asked to be identified only by her first name, told CNN that if Thursday night's strikes were Russia's retaliation, then Ukraine faces 'many such retaliations – once a month, even more.' Russia's response so far to Ukraine's extraordinary operation has raised questions about Putin's ability to escalate the war and exact the retribution that many of his supporters have clamored for. And it has left Ukrainians wondering if it has already felt the brunt of Russia's response, or if the worst is yet to come. In determining Russia's retaliation, analysts say, Putin has faced several constraints. One is political: Mounting a large-scale, innovative response to the 'Spiderweb' operation would be akin to admitting that Ukraine had inflicted a serious blow against Russia – an impression the Kremlin has been at pains to avoid, said Kateryna Stepanenko, a Russia analyst at the Institute for the Study of War, a think tank in Washington DC. In a meeting with government ministers on Wednesday, Putin received a lengthy briefing on recent bridge collapses in Kursk and Bryansk, blamed by Russia on Ukraine. Yet, aside from Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's reference to recent 'criminal provocations' by Kyiv, there was no mention of the 'Spiderweb' operation. In Russian state media's coverage of Putin's call Wednesday with Trump, little was made of the Russian president's pledge to 'respond' to Ukraine's attack. Instead, the reports focused on the outcome of recent peace talks in Istanbul. Stepanenko said this is part of a deliberate strategy. 'Putin is trying to make this go away and hide this failure yet again,' she told CNN. She said a high-profile response 'would contradict the Kremlin's strategic objective of making it all go away and sweeping this under the rug.' Putin has also faced material constraints. Whereas Russia's near-daily strikes on Ukraine used to involve just dozens of drones, they now routinely use more than 400. A day before Ukraine's 'Spiderweb' operation, on May 31, Russia launched 472 drones at Ukraine – a record in the three-year war, which was surpassed again during Sunday night's attacks, which used 479 drones. 'Russia's response is constrained by the amount of force they're constantly using,' said William Alberque, a former NATO arms control official now at the Stimson Center think tank. 'How would you know if Russia was actually retaliating? What would be more brutal than them destroying apartment flats or attacking shopping malls? What would escalation look like?' Russia's pro-war community of Telegram bloggers was not short of ideas. Some prominent channels said that Kyiv's strikes on Moscow's nuclear-capable bombers warranted a nuclear strike on Ukraine. Others called for a strike using the Oreshnik ballistic missile, which was unveiled by Putin last year, and has so far been used only once against Ukraine. Although Putin often praises his new missile, it has limited uses, said Mark Galeotti, a leading Russia analyst. 'The Oreshnik is really geared for a particular kind of target. It's not that accurate… and it's not a bunker-buster,' he told CNN, meaning the missile would struggle to take out key manufacturing and decision-making hubs that Ukraine has moved deep underground. 'If you're going to deploy it… you want it to have a target that's worthy of the name.' One target could be Ukraine's security services, the SBU, which masterminded the 'Spiderweb' operation, he said. 'But that's not something you can do quickly,' he cautioned. 'In some ways, Putin has already swept away most of the escalation rungs at his disposal, which means that he doesn't have the option for clear punishment.' In a sign that Moscow's 'retaliation' may be ongoing, Russia's Ministry of Defense said it had struck a Ukrainian airfield in the western Rivne region on Sunday night – a week after Ukraine's attacks on Russian airfields. The ministry said the attack was 'one of the retaliatory strikes' for Kyiv's 'terrorist attacks' against Russia's airfields, suggesting there may be more to come. Yuriy Ihnat, a spokesperson for Ukraine's air force, said the attack on the airfield was 'one of the biggest ever carried out by Russia.' Although air defenses 'performed very well,' he said it was 'impossible to shoot down everything.' Although Putin may be constrained in his ability to respond to Ukraine's spectacular operation with one of Russia's own, this may not matter on the battlefield, said Galeotti. 'From a political perspective… it's the Ukrainians who demonstrate that they are the nimble, imaginative, effective ones, and the Russians are just thuggish brutes who continue to grind along,' he said. 'But from the military perspective, in some ways, that's fine.' While Ukraine may have the initiative in terms of headlines and spectacle, Russia still has the initiative on the battlefield. Russian troops have opened a new front in Ukraine's northern Sumy region and are now just 12 miles from the main city. And on Sunday, Moscow claimed that its forces had advanced into the central Ukrainian region of Dnipropetrovsk for the first time, after months of clashes. The question is whether 'Putin is willing to accept whatever damage happens on the home front, precisely for his slow attrition grind forward,' said Galeotti. Alberque, of the Stimson Center, said a lot rests on whether Ukraine has been weaving more 'Spiderwebs,' or whether its drone attack was a one-off. 'The fact that this operation was a year- and-a-half in the planning – how many other operations are a year-in right now?' he asked. Two days after the drone attack, Ukraine's SBU unveiled another operation – its third attempt to blow up the bridge connecting Russia and the occupied Crimean Peninsula. The bridge over the Kerch Strait was not significantly damaged, but the attack reinforced the SBU's commitment to impressing upon Moscow that there are costs to continuing its war. If 'humiliating' operations like those continue, Putin will come under greater pressure to deliver a response that is different in kind, not just degree, Alberque said. 'Putin is such a creature of strongman politics,' he added. '(The Kremlin) is going to look for other ways to strike back, to show the Russian people that Putin is a great wartime president who is inflicting horrible damage on his enemy, rather than a victim of these spectacular Ukrainian attacks.' CNN's Kosta Gak and Victoria Butenko contributed reporting.