
Cardinals wrap up pre-conclave meetings unsure about who should follow Francis
Cardinals have wrapped up their pre-conclave meetings, trying to identify a possible new pope who could follow Pope Francis and make the 2,000-year-old Catholic Church credible and relevant today, especially to young people.
Although they come from 70 different countries, the 133 cardinal electors seem fundamentally united in insisting that the question before them is not so much whether the church gets its first Asian or African pontiff, or a conservative or progressive.
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Rather, they say the primary task facing them when the conclave opens on Wednesday is to find a pope who can be both a pastor and a teacher, a bridge who can unite the church and preach peace.
Cardinals leave at the end of a Mass on the eighth of nine days of mourning for Pope Francis in St Peter's Basilica at the Vatican (Alessandra Tarantino/AP)
'We need a superman!' said Cardinal William Seng Chye Goh, the 67-year-old archbishop of Singapore.
It is indeed a tall task, given the sexual abuse and financials scandals that have harmed the church's reputation and the secularising trends in many parts of the world that are turning people away from organised religion.
Add to that the Holy See's dire financial state and often dysfunctional bureaucracy, and the job of being pope in the 21st century seems almost impossible.
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Francis named 108 of the 133 electors and selected cardinals in his image.
But there is an element of uncertainty about the election since many of them did not know one another before last week, meaning they have not had much time to suss out who among them is best suited to lead the 1.4-billion-strong church.
The cardinals held their last day of pre-conclave meetings on Tuesday morning, during which Francis' fisherman's ring and his official seal were destroyed in one of the final formal rites of the transition of his pontificate to the next.
The cardinals will begin trying to find the new pope on Wednesday afternoon, when those 'princes of the church' walk solemnly into the Sistine Chapel to the meditative chant of the 'Litany of the Saints'.
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They will take their oaths of secrecy under the daunting vision of heaven and hell in Michelangelo's 'Last Judgment', hear a meditation from a senior cardinal, and then cast their first ballot.
Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo Besungu arrives to celebrate Mass at his titular church, San Gabriele Arcangelo all'Acqua Traversa, three days before the conclave (Andrew Medichini/AP)
Assuming no candidate secures the necessary two-thirds majority, or 89 votes, the cardinals will retire for the day and return on Thursday.
They will have two ballots in the morning and then two in the afternoon, until a winner is found.
Asked what the priorities of the cardinal electors were, Cardinal Goh told reporters this week that the number one issue was that the new pope must be able to spread the Catholic faith and 'make the church relevant in today's time. How to reach out to young people, how to show a face of love, joy and hope'.
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– A pope for the future
But beyond that, there are some real-world geopolitical concerns to take into consideration.
The Catholic Church is growing in Africa and Asia, both in numbers of baptised faithful and vocations to the priesthood and women's religious orders.
It is shrinking in traditionally Catholic bastions of Europe, with empty churches and the faithful formally leaving the church in places like Germany, many citing the abuse scandals.
'Asia is ripe for evangelisation and the harvest of vocations,' said the Reverend Robert Reyes, who studied in the seminary with Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle, the Filipino prelate considered a contender to be the first Asian pope.
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Vatican employees sign the oath of secrecy for all those assigned to the conclave during a ceremony in the Pauline Chapel (Vatican Media/AP)
But should the pope necessarily reflect the new face of the Catholic Church, and inspire the faithful especially in the parts of the world where the momentum of growth is already under way?
Pope Francis was the first Latin American pope, and the region still counts the majority of the world's Catholics.
Indian Cardinal Oswald Gracias, the retired archbishop of Mumbai, said the church needs to become more Asian, culturally and spiritually.
The 'centre of gravity of the world is shifting toward Asia,' he said. 'The Asian church has much to give to the world.'
At 80, Gracias will not be participating in the conclave, but India has four cardinal-electors, and overall Asia counts 23, making it the second-biggest voting bloc after Europe, which has 53 (or likely 52, given that one is not expected to participate for health reasons).
One of the big geopolitical issues facing the cardinals is China and the plight of the estimated 12 million Chinese Catholics there.
Under Francis, the Vatican in 2018 inked a controversial agreement with Beijing governing the appointment of bishops, which many conservatives decried as a sellout of the underground Chinese Catholics who had remained loyal to Rome during decades of communist persecution.
Cardinals Ruben Salazar Gomez, left is flanked by Cardinal Luis Jose Rueda Aparicio as they arrive in the New Hall of the Synod at the Vatican (Gregorio Borgia/AP)
The Vatican has defended the accord as the best deal it could get, but it remains to be seen if Francis' successor will keep the policy.
– The church in Africa
According to Vatican statistics, Catholics represent 3.3% of the population in Asia, but their numbers are growing, especially in terms of seminarians, as they are in Africa, where Catholics represent about 20% of the population.
Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo Besungu, the archbishop of Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo, said he is in Rome to elect a pope for all the world's Catholics.
'I am not here for the Congo, I am not here for Africa, I am here for the universal church. That is our concern, the universal church,' he told reporters.
'When we are done, I will return to Kinshasa and I will put back on my archbishop of Kinshasa hat and the struggle continues.'
Cardinal Jean-Paul Vesco, the chatty French-born archbishop of Algiers, Algeria, lamented last week that there had not been enough time for the cardinals to get to know one another, since many of them had never met before and hail from 70 countries in the most geographically diverse conclave in history.
'Every day, I say to myself, 'Ah! Oh my God! There we have it!'' he said.
– The role of the Holy Spirit
For the cardinals, there is also the belief that they are guided by the Holy Spirit.
Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle, centre, takes part in the procession carrying the body of Pope Francis to St Peter's Basilica at the Vatican (Alessandra Tarantino/AP)
There is a famous quote attributed to then-Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger in 1997, in comments to a Bavarian television station.
The future Pope Benedict XVI said the Holy Spirit acted like a good educator in a conclave, allowing cardinals to freely choose a pope without dictating the precise candidate.
'Probably the only assurance he offers is that the thing cannot be totally ruined,' Cardinal Ratzinger reportedly said.
'There are too many contrary instances of popes the Holy Spirit would obviously not have picked.'

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During the mid-1970s, under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's imposition of the Emergency, India entered a period where civil liberties were suspended and much of the political opposition was jailed. Behind this authoritarian curtain, her Congress party government quietly began reimagining the country - not as a democracy rooted in checks and balances, but as a centralised state governed by command and control, historian Srinath Raghavan reveals in his new Indira Gandhi and the Years That Transformed India, Prof Raghavan shows how Gandhi's top bureaucrats and party loyalists began pushing for a presidential system - one that would centralise executive power, sideline an "obstructionist" judiciary and reduce parliament to a symbolic in part by Charles de Gaulle's France, the push for a stronger presidency in India reflected a clear ambition to move beyond the constraints of parliamentary democracy - even if it never fully materialised. It all began, writes Prof Raghavan, in September 1975, when BK Nehru, a seasoned diplomat and a close aide of Gandhi, wrote a letter hailing the Emergency as a "tour de force of immense courage and power produced by popular support" and urged Gandhi to seize the moment. Parliamentary democracy had "not been able to provide the answer to our needs", Nehru wrote. In this system the executive was continuously dependent on the support of an elected legislature "which is looking for popularity and stops any unpleasant measure".What India needed, Nehru said, was a directly elected president - freed from parliamentary dependence and capable of taking "tough, unpleasant and unpopular decisions" in the national interest, Prof Raghavan model he pointed to was de Gaulle's France - concentrating power in a strong presidency. Nehru imagined a single, seven-year presidential term, proportional representation in Parliament and state legislatures, a judiciary with curtailed powers and a press reined in by strict libel laws. He even proposed stripping fundamental rights - right to equality or freedom of speech, for example - of their urged Indira Gandhi to "make these fundamental changes in the Constitution now when you have two-thirds majority". His ideas were "received with rapture" by the prime minister's secretary PN Dhar. Gandhi then gave Nehru approval to discuss these ideas with her party leaders but said "very clearly and emphatically" that he should not convey the impression that they had the stamp of her approval. Prof Raghavan writes that the ideas met with enthusiastic support from senior Congress leaders like Jagjivan Ram and foreign minister Swaran Singh. The chief minister of Haryana state was blunt: "Get rid of this election nonsense. If you ask me just make our sister [Indira Gandhi] President for life and there's no need to do anything else". M Karunanidhi of Tamil Nadu – one of two non-Congress chief ministers consulted - was Nehru reported back to Gandhi, she remained non-committal, Prof Raghavan writes. She instructed her closest aides to explore the proposals further. What emerged was a document titled "A Fresh Look at Our Constitution: Some suggestions", drafted in secrecy and circulated among trusted advisors. It proposed a president with powers greater than even their American counterpart, including control over judicial appointments and legislation. A new "Superior Council of Judiciary", chaired by the president, would interpret "laws and the Constitution" - effectively neutering the Supreme sent this document to Dhar, who recognised it "twisted the Constitution in an ambiguously authoritarian direction". Congress president DK Barooah tested the waters by publicly calling for a "thorough re-examination" of the Constitution at the party's 1975 annual idea never fully crystallised into a formal proposal. But its shadow loomed over the Forty-second Amendment Act, passed in 1976, which expanded Parliament's powers, limited judicial review and further centralised executive amendment made striking down laws harder by requiring supermajorities of five or seven judges, and aimed to dilute the Constitution's 'basic structure doctrine' that limited parliament's also handed the federal government sweeping authority to deploy armed forces in states, declare region-specific Emergencies, and extend President's Rule - direct federal rule - from six months to a year. It also put election disputes out of the judiciary's was not yet a presidential system, but it carried its genetic imprint - a powerful executive, marginalised judiciary and weakened checks and balances. The Statesman newspaper warned that "by one sure stroke, the amendment tilts the constitutional balance in favour of the parliament." Meanwhile, Gandhi's loyalists were going all in. Defence minister Bansi Lal urged "lifelong power" for her as prime minister, while Congress members in the northern states of Haryana, Punjab, and Uttar Pradesh unanimously called for a new constituent assembly in October 1976."The prime minister was taken aback. She decided to snub these moves and hasten the passage of the amendment bill in the parliament," writes Prof December 1976, the bill had been passed by both houses of parliament and ratified by 13 state legislatures and signed into law by the Gandhi's shock defeat in 1977, the short-lived Janata Party - a patchwork of anti-Gandhi forces - moved quickly to undo the damage. Through the Forty-third and Forty-fourth Amendments, it rolled back key parts of the Forty Second, scrapping authoritarian provisions and restoring democratic checks and was swept back to power in January 1980, after the Janata Party government collapsed due to internal divisions and leadership struggles. Curiously, two years later, prominent voices in the party again mooted the idea of a presidential 1982, with President Sanjiva Reddy's term ending, Gandhi seriously considered stepping down as prime minister to become president of India. Her principal secretary later revealed she was "very serious" about the move. She was tired of carrying the Congress party on her back and saw the presidency as a way to deliver a "shock treatment to her party, thereby giving it a new stimulus".Ultimately, she backed down. Instead, she elevated Zail Singh, her loyal home minister, to the serious flirtation, India never made the leap to a presidential system. Did Gandhi, a deeply tactical politician, hold herself back ? Or was there no national appetite for radical change and India's parliamentary system proved sticky? There was a hint of presidential drift in the early 1970s, as India's parliamentary democracy - especially after 1967 - grew more competitive and unstable, marked by fragile coalitions, according to Prof Raghavan. Around this time, voices began suggesting that a presidential system might suit India better. The Emergency became the moment when these ideas crystallised into serious political thinking."The aim was to reshape the system in ways that immediately strengthened her hold on power. There was no grand long-term design - most of the lasting consequences of her [Gandhi's] rule were likely unintended," Prof Raghavan told the BBC."During the Emergency, her primary goal was short-term: to shield her office from any challenge. The Forty Second Amendment was crafted to ensure that even the judiciary couldn't stand in her way."The itch for a presidential system within the Congress never quite faded. As late as April 1984, senior minister Vasant Sathe launched a nationwide debate advocating a shift to presidential governance - even while in power. But six months later, Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards in Delhi, and with her, the conversation abruptly died. India stayed a parliamentary democracy.