
Crowds greet King Charles and Queen Camilla as they arrive in Ottawa for 2-day tour, throne speech
While it's unusual in Canada for a reigning monarch to deliver a throne speech, that's not the case in some other Commonwealth countries. It just depends on how often a government extends the invitation.
In New Zealand, Queen Elizabeth read the throne speech seven times between 1954 and 1990.
Charles's speech on Tuesday in the Senate will mark the third time a reigning monarch has delivered a throne speech in Canada.
While Charles delayed a trip to Canada last year because of his cancer diagnosis, British journalist and royal biographer Robert Hardman says his appearance in the Senate now will have stemmed from a request by the federal government.
Given that U.S. President Donald Trump has repeatedly proclaimed that Canada should become the 51st state, Hardman says there is a clear attempt to reassert the country's place in the Commonwealth.
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CBC
13 minutes ago
- CBC
'We are very nimble': Calgary mayor keeps door open to G7 white hatting
With a little more than a week to go before world leaders arrive in Kananaskis, Alta., for the G7 summit, Calgary Mayor Jyoti Gondek said she is ready to continue the city's white hat ceremony tradition if logistics allow. "We are happy to white hat any of the dignitaries that are coming to town," Gondek said in an interview Friday. "We have been patient as the government has been figuring out their plans, and as dignitaries are determining how they will be traveling in and through our city." On Wednesday, a Tourism Calgary spokesperson said that "given the complexity around security and the event, at this time, there are no plans for our team to conduct a white hat ceremony for G7." Alberta's ministry of tourism and sport also said it's not planning a ceremony for the G7. Federal organizers with the G7 haven't responded to requests for comment. The Smithbilt cowboy hat has long been presented to visitors as a symbol of the city's hospitality. In 2002, then-Calgary mayor Dave Bronconnier greeted G8 leaders on the Calgary airport tarmac, including former U.S. president George W. Bush and former French president Jacques Chirac. Gondek emphasized the significance of the gesture. "We are known for our hospitality and our volunteerism and our ability to make people feel so welcome when they visit our city," Gondek said. "It's a really good symbol of who we are." Unclear which leaders will travel through Calgary While there's currently no ceremony planned, Gondek confirmed she is scheduled to meet with Prime Minister Mark Carney and said she's awaiting further guidance from officials. "We are very nimble and responsive to whatever the situation may be. And if there's an opportunity to do something bigger and more formal, obviously we will be engaging with any partners that we can," she said. Asked if she would be open to white hatting all G7 leaders, including U.S. President Donald Trump amid ongoing trade tensions, Gondek said any such plans would depend on travel logistics and who actually passes through Calgary. "I can't deal in hypotheticals, but as opportunities come up, we'll definitely evaluate them," she said. The G7 summit in Kananaskis is set to run from June 15 to 17 and has been referred to by officials as one of the most complex domestic security operations a country can undertake, with thousands of personnel deployed across the region. Gondek said the city has been working closely with the Calgary Police Service to ensure any traffic detours that need to be put into place are being done as quickly as possible. She also noted the airport tunnel's closure from June 15 to 18. "We are advising all employees, all travelers, anyone going to businesses in that vicinity that you won't have access to the tunnel," she said. "There's [also] a lot of motorcade drills that are happening in the city right now. So it's best to give yourself a little bit of extra time." Officials from the United States, France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, Italy and Canada, as well as the European Union, are scheduled to attend this year's summit.


Globe and Mail
31 minutes ago
- Globe and Mail
The party is over. It's time to embrace a postparty system of governance
David Berlin is an author, the former editor of the Literary Review of Canada and the founding editor of The Walrus magazine. He led The Bridge Party of Canada, which ran in the 2016 federal election. With uncanny prescience, as though peering into a crystal ball, America's first president, George Washington, anticipated and warned against the rise of the 45th and 47th U.S. president, Donald Trump. In his Farewell Address to the Nation, published in 1796, Washington predicted that 'sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.' Such a chief will not have attained power illegitimately – by coup d'état or secession – but by the usual shenanigans which pave a political party's path to glory. But Washington is very clear about where the fault lies: It lies not with the chief but with the 'spirit of party' which inevitably produces such a leader. The villain is the party system which 'agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasional riots and insurrection and opens the door to foreign influence and corruption.' The only way to avoid the rise of a leader inclined in the direction of a 'frightful despotism' is to prevent the 'spirit of party' from ever taking hold. Had he been around these days, America's founding father would have undoubtedly railed against the facile notion that parties and party leaders do no more than mirror, reflect and represent underlying societal tensions and differences. They do no such thing. Parties exacerbate and exploit such differences. Unlike virtually all other institutions, the party system thrives by dividing. It is polarizing by design. It should perhaps be noted that the invidious 'spirit of party' does not necessarily apply equally to every party system, at least not with the same force. The augmented Westminster model which Canadians have proffered, and the rise of a multiparty system, inoculated Canada from the full impact of a crazy-making polarization which is now bringing America close to a constitutional crisis. In Canada, throughout history, the two major parties differed very little on crucial questions. Their conception of power was almost identical. Both parties treated patronage as the lifeblood of the party, both traded favours for votes. For a long time, both parties respected one another's accomplishments. But such mutual respect is no longer the case. Canada, today, is far more vulnerable to the poison of partisan politics than many Canadians suspect. Consider that in the past election, the difference between Mark Carney's Liberals, who received 8,564,200 votes, and Pierre Poilievre's Conservative Party, which clocked in at 8,086,051 was 2.4 per cent. And it is not at all clear that the relations between the Liberals and the Conservatives are all that much better than the relations between Democrats and Republicans in the United States. Editorial board: Democracy is messy, and that's a good thing But even if Canada manages to resist the full force of what Quebec City mayor Joseph Cauchon, in 1865, called the 'miserable spirit of party,' and even if we manage to work around Mr. Trump's tariffs and threats and somehow survive the new world disorder which the current American administration is disseminating, there is still a good argument to be made for undertaking efforts to get us over political parties – to get us to a postparty system of governance. Many young Canadian activists are designing and experimenting with sophisticated and scalable manners of reviving versions of direct democracy. Vancouver-based Ethelo, for example, is developing a consensus-building platform which invites users to vote on granulated issues, challenge one another and review unexplored assumptions. Users are given ample opportunity to consider issues which are flagged by one party or another and those which are summarily ignored or buried by campaigns. Votes on the platform are 'weighted' as a display of each voter's priorities. The results are tabulated to produce 'the people's platform,' which is not a poll or survey but the highest attainable level of consensus at a particular time. The published platform may serve as a far better indication of where our 'centre' resides than the amorphous and unanchored centre currently in use. In 2016, I registered a new federal political party called The Bridge Party of Canada which was intended to introduce the 'People's Platform' as a first step toward a richer form of democracy. Though a federal party, The Bridge sought to attain official standing for a consensus-building stage in advance of federal, provincial and local elections. On the hustings, I spoke with many young Canadians who raged against a party's treatment of voters as numbers. Young people said they were weary of manipulative party campaigns that dumb down the electorate and reduce a rich inventory of issues to one or two wedges. Both young and older electors expressed disgust with the reductions of the public to consumers who care about nothing but the price of eggs. To many voters, it seems that far more serious engagement and participation in the decision-making process would be inspiring – a rising tide that would lift all boats. There are literally hundreds, if not thousands, of democracy-enhancing initiatives. Some are non-profits. Many are housed in universities in Canada, the U.S., the U.K., Belgium, Germany and elsewhere. None with which I am familiar are ready for prime time. But it makes a lot of sense for Canada to establish, participate and support ongoing experimentation. Would a centre that funds, integrates and co-ordinates disparate efforts to decrease party dominance not be a thoughtful way of responding to Donald Trump's taunts, threats and tariffs? And given the state of liberal democracy in the West, are we not right to assume that the world is awaiting a new model and that this model could be Canada's gift to posterity? Democracy is not about nation-building. It is first of all a process by which settlers and Indigenous populations living under autocratic rule become voters, voters become citizens who, by resisting the centrifugal force which tears them apart, become a people. Parties may have a place in the process, but they cannot be permitted to monopolize the field.


Toronto Star
31 minutes ago
- Toronto Star
Trump's big bill also seeks to undo the big bills of Biden and Obama
WASHINGTON (AP) — Chiseling away at President Barack Obama's Affordable Care Act. Rolling back the green energy tax breaks from President Joe Biden's Inflation Reduction Act. At its core, the Republican 'big, beautiful bill' is more than just an extension of tax breaks approved during President Donald Trump's first term at the White House. The package is an attempt by Republicans to undo, little by little, the signature domestic achievements of the past two Democratic presidents. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW 'We're going to do what we said we were going to do,' Speaker Mike Johnson said after House passage last month. While the aim of the sprawling 1,000-page plus bill is to preserve an estimated $4.5 trillion in tax cuts that would otherwise expire at year's end if Congress fails to act — and add some new ones, including no taxes on tips — the spending cuts pointed at the Democratic-led programs are causing the most political turmoil. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office said this week that 10.9 million fewer people would have health insurance under the GOP bill, including 1.4 million immigrants in the U.S. without legal status who are in state-funded programs. At the same time, lawmakers are being hounded by businesses in states across the nation who rely on the green energy tax breaks for their projects. As the package moves from the House to the Senate, the simmering unrest over curbing the Obama and Biden policies shows just how politically difficult it can be to slash government programs once they become part of civic life. 'When he asked me, what do you think the prospects are for passage in the Senate? I said, good — if we don't cut Medicaid,' said Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., recounting his conversation last week with Trump. 'And he said, I'm 100% supportive of that.' Health care worries Not a single Republican in Congress voted for the Affordable Care Act, known as Obamacare, in 2010, or Biden's inflation act in 2022. Both were approved using the same budget reconciliation process now being employed by Republicans to steamroll Trump's bill past the opposition. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW Even still, sizable coalitions of GOP lawmakers are forming to protect aspects of both of those programs as they ripple into the lives of millions of Americans. Hawley, Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and others are wary of changes to Medicaid and other provisions in the bill that would result in fewer people being able to access health care programs. At the same time, crossover groupings of House and Senate Republicans have launched an aggressive campaign to preserve, at least for some time, the green energy tax breaks that business interests in their states are relying on to develop solar, wind and other types of energy production. Murkowski said one area she's 'worried about' is the House bill's provision that any project not under construction within 60 days of the bill becoming law may no longer be eligible for those credits. 'These are some of the things we're working on,' she said. The concerns are running in sometimes opposite directions and complicating the work of GOP leaders who have almost no votes to spare in the House and Senate as they try to hoist the package over Democratic opposition and onto the president's desk by the Fourth of July. While some Republicans are working to preserve the programs from cuts, the budget hawks want steeper reductions to stem the nation's debt load. The CBO said the package would add $2.4 trillion to deficits over the decade. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW After a robust private meeting with Trump at the White House this week, Republican senators said they were working to keep the bill on track as they amend it for their own priorities. Senate Majority Leader John Thune said the president 'made the pitch and the argument for why we need to get the bill done.' The disconnect is reminiscent of Trump's first term, when Republicans promised to repeal and replace Obamacare, only to see their effort collapse in dramatic fashion when the late Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz, voted thumbs down for the bill on the House floor. Battle over Medicaid In the 15 years since Obamacare became law, access to health care has grown substantially. Some 80 million people are now enrolled in Medicaid, and the Kaiser Family Foundation reports 41 states have opted to expand their coverage. The Affordable Care Act expanded Medicaid to all adults with incomes up to about $21,500 for an individual, or almost $29,000 for a two-person household. While Republicans no longer campaign on ending Obamacare, advocates warn that the changes proposed in the big bill will trim back at access to health care. The bill proposes new 80 hours of monthly work or community service requirements for able-bodied Medicaid recipients, age 18 to 64, with some exceptions. It also imposes twice-a-year eligibility verification checks and other changes. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW Republicans argue that they want to right-size Medicaid to root out waste, fraud and abuse and ensure it's there for those who need it most, often citing women and children. 'Medicaid was built to be a temporary safety net for people who genuinely need it — young, pregnant women, single mothers, the disabled, the elderly,' Johnson told The Associated Press. 'But when when they expanded under Obamacare, it not only thwarted the purpose of the program, it started draining resources.' Initially, the House bill proposed starting the work requirements in January 2029, as Trump's term in the White House would be coming to a close. But conservatives from the House Freedom Caucus negotiated for a quicker start date, in December 2026, to start the spending reductions sooner. Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer has said the changes are an Obamacare rollback by another name. 'It decimates our health care system, decimates our clean energy system,' Schumer of New York said in an interview with the AP. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW The green energy tax breaks involve not only those used by buyers of electric vehicles, like Elon Musk's Tesla line, but also the production and investment tax credits for developers of renewables and other energy sources. The House bill had initially proposed a phaseout of those credits over the next several years. But again the conservative Freedom Caucus engineered the faster wind-down — within 60 days of the bill's passage. 'Not a single Republican voted for the Green New Scam subsidies,' wrote Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, on social media. 'Not a single Republican should vote to keep them.' 'REPEAL THE GREEN NEW SCAM!' reposted Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas, a Freedom Caucus leader.