
New Mon County state senator introduces three energy bills
Feb. 13—MORGANTOWN — Monongalia County's newest state senator — Republican Chris Rose — is also the new chair of the Senate Energy, Industry and Mining Committee and introduced three energy-related bills on the second day of the legislative session.
One resurrects a 2024 bill to raise the property tax on windmills. One creates a state Coal Marketing Program. And one aims to curb federal regulation of intrastate energy commerce.
Rose's SB 439 reintroduces last year's SB 231, which was sponsored by Sen. Randy Smith, R-Tucker, who was Energy chair and is now Senate president.
Wind turbines and towers are currently considered pollution control facilities and taxed as personal property at salvage value — 5 % of the original cost based on 79 % of the full value of the property. That 5 % figure depreciates annually.
SB 439 would change that to tax wind turbines and towers and the attached components as real property. A fiscal note with last year's bill says it would produce $6.1 million in additional annual revenue: $1.8 million for the General Fund, $2.5 million to the county schools and $1.8 million to the county commissions.
The bill passed out of Energy last year. Smith said then that his aim was to get the bill out of committee and on to Finance where the various stakeholders — the counties, the windmill companies and so on — could work out a compromise bill that might do such things as grandfather existing facilities.
SB 231 died in Finance. SB 439 again goes first to Energy and then to Finance.
Rose's SB 437 would create the Coal Marketing Program. The introduced version of the bill is short — about a page and a half — and broad. It says, "The purpose of the program is to protect and expand West Virginia's coal markets and coal facilities and to address impacts cities, towns, and counties have experienced or will experience due to changes in the coal market."
This might remind some of the 2021 House of Delegates Coal Communities Workgroup, whose goal was "to go into communities and talk with local residents as well as local community and business leaders, to determine what our coal communities specifically need to succeed and what tools are already available." The workgroup produced a report in January 2022 that is largely forgotten.
This bill takes a different approach. It appropriates $1 million from the General Fund for the program account, to be spent by the governor, on "projects with a public benefit associated with expanding and protecting West Virginia's coal markets and coal facilities, " and projects addressing the impacts described above.
It requires that the state attorney general sign off on the legality of any expenditure. It also calls for the governor's office to draft the rules to govern the program — a departure from the usual process where agencies draft rules for legislative approval.
The bill is single-referenced to Energy and would go to the Senate floor if approved there.
Rose's SB 438 is called the West Virginia Intrastate Energy Use Act. It cites rights reserved to the state in the 9th and 10th amendments to the U.S. Constitution to declare, "Regulation of intrastate commerce, including the environmental impact of such activities, falls under the states' jurisdiction."
It specifies regulation of coal, oil and natural gas where they are produced, consumed or retained within the state borders, including fossil fuel power plants..It reserves permitting power to the state "Department of Energy."
There is no such department. There is an Office of Energy under the state Department of Economic Development. It role is "the formulation and implementation of fossil, renewable and energy efficiency initiatives designed to advance energy resource development opportunities and provide energy services to businesses, communities and homeowners in West Virginia."
The state Department of Environmental Protection handles all mineral extraction permitting.
The bill says the U.S. EPA has no authority to regulate intrastate commerce.
The bill echoes to some extent a 2016 House bill, the Intrastate Coal and Use Act, which also cited the 9th and 10th Amendments.
That bill said that any coal mined in West Virginia and used exclusively in West Virginia would be subject to regulation and oversight only by the DEP. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency had no jurisdiction under federal interstate commerce laws to regulate this coal.
That bill passed out of House Energy but died in Judiciary.
SB 438 is single referenced to Judiciary. It doesn't mention but touches on the Biden administration EPA Good Neighbor Rule (also called the Good Neighbor Plan), which was put on hold by the U.S. Supreme Court last June.
The rule would have required power plants in 22 states to further reduce their emissions by 2027. The Biden EPA projected the plan could lead to retirement of 13 % of current national coal-fired generating capacity.
The rule was a new version of the Cross-State Air Pollution Rule issued under the Clean Air Act's Good Neighbor requirements, dealing with emissions that cross state lines. West Virginia was one of three states that challenged the rule. The Supreme Court pause returned it to a lower court to allow legal challenges to play out.
An independent publication called SCOTUSBlog cited the majority opinion acknowledging that the plan would improve the air quality in downwind states but could infringe on the states' interests "in regulating their own industries and citizens." And requiring the challengers to comply with the plan while litigation continues could cost them "hundreds of millions, if not billions of dollars."
The Dominion Post reached out to Rose and Smith for comment on the three bills, but neither was available by deadline.
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Indianapolis Star
42 minutes ago
- Indianapolis Star
Secretary of State Diego Morales gets flak for overseas travel. Is he breaking any rules?
Indiana lawmakers seemed to be sending a signal to Secretary of State Diego Morales with a new addition to the two-year budget they crafted this session: Tell us more about your world travel. Morales' 10-day trip to India had recently made headlines. Some legislators and naysayers questioned why the secretary of state needed an "economic development" sojourn and wanted to know who paid for it. But this new law requiring annual travel reports from statewide elected officials wouldn't even have applied to that trip, since taxpayer dollars allegedly weren't involved. Nor to Morales's recent "personal" trip to Hungary, during which he spoke at a Conservative Political Action Conference. Nor for his other trip to Hungary, in 2023. Nor does there seem to be any other state rule or law that requires Morales to share where he went, who paid for it, and how much it cost, given the specific circumstances of these trips. 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"We charter new businesses every day in the office, and we want to let everyone know that Indiana is the top state to start a business." "I'm not choosing to take these trips over other things," he continued. "I do it all. I'm going 100 miles per hour." His potential challengers next year have other ammunition unrelated to travel. He's currently under investigation by the Marion County Election Board for potentially violating election law by allegedly using footage from an official visit in that campaign announcement video. He's caught flak for giving a lucrative job to a brother-in-law, and was in India during his agency's budget request presentation to senators this year, during which his stand-in fielded rigorous questioning about the office's no-bid contracts. That followed a 2022 campaign season during which questions about his voting history, professional background and allegations of sexual assault came to light. If Morales were a member of Congress ― as he tried to become in 2018 ― Hoosiers would be able to find out a lot of information every time he hit the road. U.S. representatives and senators have to file travel reports for all "travel-related expenses reimbursed by non-government sources," known as "gift travel," as well as expenses related to all "official foreign travel." Their annual financial disclosure forms require great detail, including all sources and amounts of income and liabilities. Further, U.S. senators have to get approval 30 days in advance from the Select Committee on Ethics for privately sponsored trips. These requirements would likely have covered Morales's trip to India, which he said was initially sponsored by a private entity, as well as his second Hungary trip, for which he said CPAC Hungary covered his costs. But in Indiana, reporting requirements are far more lax. 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And even if that wasn't the case, Morales also billed the Hungary trip as "personal time," though he happened to also accept an invitation to speak in his official capacity at CPAC Hungary. "He's tourist Diego over in Hungary… but then he's public official Diego at the same time because they needed him," Vaughn said. "It's infuriating that there's this space in Indiana law that allows him to get away with this." His public speaking gigs likely fall through the cracks of campaign finance law, too, because Morales appears at such events as secretary of state and not as a secretary of state candidate ― even though he is now both of these things at once. The law doesn't necessarily account for activity that looks and feels like campaigning, even if it's not labeled as such ― like networking at CPAC Hungary with other high-profile conservative political figures, said Gregory Shufeldt, political science professor at the University of Indianapolis. This is where the difference between the letter of the law and the spirit of the law can come into play, he said. "Even if there isn't a quid pro quo ― or it doesn't break the law ― the appearance of corruption can have the same disastrous effects on public confidence, support for institutions, and political efficacy," he said. Morales sees these trips differently. He told the Fort Wayne radio station that even while visiting family in Hungary, he would never turn down an opportunity to represent the state of Indiana, especially at a conservative conference. "I always enjoy these opportunities that allow me to showcase Indiana and let companies across the world know, we are open for business," he said. He also committed to never using taxpayer dollars for overseas travel. In India, accompanied again by his wife, Morales spoke at two tech conferences. He said a private business that doesn't work with his agency, but "saw the benefit of Indiana being represented in these conferences," paid for the travel arrangements. In response to many calls to disclose the funder's identity, Morales said he asked if he could, but the benefactor was "afraid of being targeted by the liberal media or the crazy left." More: Secretary of State Diego Morales faces criticism for 10-day India trip. Here's why he was there So Morales said he personally reimbursed the funder. In a statement to IndyStar, an office spokesperson said he did this "in an effort to be transparent and in respect of the business wanting to be anonymous." "Secretary Morales maintains the utmost commitment to transparency," the office said. But for observers, this action only made appearances worse. "The fact that he's working overtime to keep the original funder secret just makes it more suspicious," Vaughn said. 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Business of Fashion
an hour ago
- Business of Fashion
French Senate Backs Law to Curb Ultra Fast-Fashion
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Politico
an hour ago
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