
Victory for asylum seekers: High Court declares parts of Refugees Act unconstitutional
The organisation argued that deporting individuals without properly considering their asylum applications violated constitutional principles.
Makeshift homes outside the UNHCR offices in Pretoria, 26 May 2022. Picture: Jacques Nelles
The Western Cape High Court has ruled that several provisions of the Refugees Act are unconstitutional and invalid, marking a significant victory for asylum seekers in South Africa.
This decision concludes a legal battle that lasted more than two years and offers relief to foreign nationals seeking refuge in the country.
Western Cape High Court ruling favours asylum seekers
In 2023, the non-profit organisation, Scalabrini Centre, successfully received an interdict stopping the Department of Home Affairs from deporting foreign nationals who had indicated their intention to apply for asylum under the Refugees Act 130 of 1998.
The organisation argued that deporting individuals without properly considering their asylum applications violated constitutional principles.
The High Court's recent 42-page judgment specifically addressed multiple contested sections of the Refugees Act.
These provisions had prevented asylum seekers from qualifying for refugee status if they had entered South Africa unlawfully, had fraudulent South African identification documents, or failed to report to a refugee reception office within five days of entering the country without compelling reasons.
The court found that 'simply refusing to entertain an application due to the fact that persons had entered the country unlawfully was contrary to the principle of non-refoulement'.
This principle prohibits countries from deporting people who might face persecution or irreparable harm in their countries of origin.
ALSO READ: Nandipha Magudumana's appeal against deportation dismissed by SCA
Constitutional court confirmation pending
The declaration of constitutional invalidity has been referred to the Constitutional Court for possible confirmation, as the statute's invalidity cannot take effect without approval from South Africa's apex court.
The High Court declared several specific sections of the Refugees Act unconstitutional, including sections 4(1)(f), 4(1)(h), 4(1)(i), and 21(1B).
Additionally, regulations 8(1)(c)(i), 8(2), 8(3), and 8(4) of the Refugee Regulations were also deemed inconsistent with South Africa's constitution.
Impact on detention practices
Several international organisations with expertise in refugee and migrant rights participated in the case.
They expressed two primary interests: the application of the principle of non-refoulement and the impact the disputed provisions would have on migrant detention.
The court noted that these organisations had demonstrated that implementation of the questioned provisions had 'radically increased the detention of migrants in South Africa.'
The organisations argued that detention patterns would likely be reduced if the provisions were declared unconstitutional.
ALSO READ: Big changes coming for ID, passport applications and birth registrations – Home Affairs
Background on refugee protections
In reaching its decision, the High Court referred to established principles from previous Constitutional Court cases, including Ashebo, Ruta, and Abore.
These cases established that 'until an applicant's refugee status has been finally determined, the principle of non-refoulement protects the applicant from deportation.'
The Constitutional Court had previously found that 'once an illegal foreigner has expressed their intention to apply for asylum, they must be afforded an opportunity to do so'.
Furthermore, 'a delay in expressing that intention is no bar to applying for refugee status.'
ALSO READ: Only South Africans receive birth certificates, says home affairs
Legal framework
Section 2 of the Refugees Act orders the principle of non-refoulement, stating that 'no person may be refused entry into the Republic, expelled, extradited or returned to any other country' if such actions would compel them to return to or remain in a country where they might face persecution or threats to their life, physical safety, or freedom.
The court ordered the respondents to pay 80% of the applicants' costs, including those incurred during the initial part of the application.
NOW READ: Resettlement of Afrikaners in US as refugees 'entirely politically motivated' Dirco says
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Citizen
2 hours ago
- The Citizen
MK party wants full disclosure over R9.5bn battery storage projects
Electricity Minister Kgosientso Ramokgopa praised Mulilo Energy as a "great South African success story". The MK party says it wants full disclosure of bid adjudication records after a multi-billion energy tender was awarded to a company headed by former Eskom CEO Andre de Ruyter's right-hand man, Jan Oberholzer. On Friday, Electricity Minister Kgosientso Ramokgopa announced the appointment of five preferred bidders under the Battery Energy Storage Independent Power Producers Procurement Programme (BESIPPPP). De Ruyter's right-hand man Mulilo Energy, chaired by Oberholzer, the Chief Operating Officer of Eskom and Scatec, was awarded five large battery storage projects in the Free State to develop 616 MW / 2,464 MWh of new battery storage capacity for R9.5 billion. Oberholzer was appointed chairperson of Mulilo in September 2023, just two months after leaving Eskom as COO. Out of the five available projects, four were awarded to Mulilo Energy Mulio Energy was founded in 2008 by property developer Johnny Cullum and racing driver Chris Aberdein after a conversation about load shedding. Both remain on Mulilo's board. ALSO READ: Eskom denies reports of 14-hour load shedding next month MK party not happy Ramokgopa praised Mulilo at Friday's announcement as a 'great South African success story' that shows the country can stand tall globally. However, the MK party wants transparency in the bidding process MK party national spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela said they have written to Ramokgopa demanding full disclosure of the bid adjudication records within seven days. 'The uMkhonto weSizwe party is blowing the lid off what appears to be one of the most blatant acts of javelin throwing in post-apartheid public procurement, this time under the green veil of 'renewable' energy. 'Should the Minister fail to comply, the MK party will immediately approach the courts to interdict and suspend these contracts,' Ndhlela said. 'Billions' Ndhlela said 'this is no longer about megawatts. 'This is about the billions being funnelled out of our country under the false flag of progress, and the MK Party will not stand by and watch our state-owned entities being handed over to corrupt white monopoly capital interests'. The Battery Energy Storage Programme is a critical initiative aimed at enhancing South Africa's power system by providing essential ancillary services and increasing grid capacity through energy storage. Projects Other awarded projects located in the Free State will include: Erfdeel BESS (123MW/ 492MWh) Retreat BESS (123MW/ 492MWh) Bloemhoek BESS (124MW/ 496MWh) Vanilla BESS (123MW/ 492MWh) The BESIPPPP Bid Window 3 was launched on 28 March 2024, with bids submitted on 28 November 2024. Ramokgopa said the evaluation process was conducted by an Independent Bid Evaluation Committee 'under strict security measures, took place at the IPP Office.' ALSO READ: Eskom winter outlook: Here's how many days of load shedding to expect in SA

IOL News
2 hours ago
- IOL News
Persecuted gay man, shunned in his homeland, granted reconsideration of asylum in SA
The court ruled that home affairs had to reconsider granting asylum status to a Chad citizen after he was persecuted in his country for being gay. Image: File A Muslim man who was imprisoned in Chad on grounds of his sexual orientation and fled to South Africa after he was released as he fears persecution, has been given a lifeline, as the Western Cape High court ordered that his application for asylum status be heard afresh. The man, only identified as MA, turned to the Western Cape High Court on Friday, where he asked that the decision by the Refugee Status Determination Officer, in refusing his refugee status, be overturned. Judge Gayaat da Silva-Salie ordered that his application for asylum status had to be heard afresh, by another officer. The judge remarked that the reasons given by the officer for refusing his application were nonsensical. MA fled to South Africa to join his lover, a doctor working here. He explained that homosexuality is criminalised in his country of origin. He was arrested in Chad in September 2022, after which he was convicted on charges of homosexual activities and sentenced to 18 months imprisonment. On appeal, his sentence was reduced to 12 months with the option of paying a fine. He was released from prison in February 2023 and entered South Africa in May 2023, by way of a visitor's visa. He applied for asylum on a few occasions and his most recent interview was in September last year. While the reasons for refusing him asylum status formed part of the court proceedings, the judge remarked that they were unintelligible, irrational and failed to consider the applicable law. The officer also failed to consider the circumstances in Chad, in particular their position on homosexuality. MA submitted in support of his application for asylum that he fled Chad after being imprisoned solely for being a homosexual man. He further stated that his safety and freedom remain threatened in Chad, where homosexuality is a criminal offence. He also indicated that his family had disowned him and that he faces persecution both from the State and society at large in his home country. Home affairs, on the other hand, said he has not yet exhausted the internal remedies available to him and argued that he could return to that country. The department reasoned that the judiciary in Chad is independent, and that although homosexuality is criminalised, some courts had released offenders. Judge Da Silva-Salie found the arguments by the department 'rather problematic". 'It accepts the factual basis of criminalisation of homosexuality, with consequent criminal convictions and punishments in the applicant's home country of Chad, while simultaneously rejecting the credibility of the applicant's claim of fear of future persecution,' she said. She added that no attempt was made to test or evaluate the applicant's claim that his prior arrest, imprisonment, and societal ostracisation due to his homosexuality posed a continued threat. The judge said if the applicant returned to Chad, his position can only be worse if he continued his lifestyle as he would be already a convicted person of homosexual offences. She referred to the reason forwarded for refusing asylum as 'a characteristic of a sequence of illogical babble".

IOL News
2 hours ago
- IOL News
Most South African farmers are black: why Trump got it so wrong
There are more black farmers in South Africa than white farmers,says the authors Image: Karen Sandison/ Independent Newspapers When world leaders engage, the assumption is always that they engage on issues based on verified facts, which their administrative staff are supposed to prepare. Under this assumption, we thought the meeting at the White House on 21 May between South Africa's president, Cyril Ramaphosa, and US president Donald Trump would follow this pattern. Disappointingly, the televised meeting was horrifying to watch as it was based on misrepresenting the reality of life in South Africa. Issues of agriculture, farming and land (and rural crime) were central to the discussions. What is clear to us as agricultural economists is that the skewed views expressed by Trump about these issues originate in South Africa. This includes Trump's statement: 'But Blacks are not farmers.' In our work as agricultural economists, we have, in many pieces and books (our latest titled The Uncomfortable Truth about South Africa's Agriculture), tried to present South Africans with the real facts about the political economy policy reforms and structural dimensions of South African agriculture. Writing on these matters was necessary given that official data – agricultural census 2017, as well as the official land audit of 2017 – all provide an incomplete picture of the real state and structure of South African agriculture. The reason is that the agricultural census, which is supposed to provide a comprehensive and inclusive assessment of the size and structure of the primary agricultural sector, and the land audit, which was supposed to record the ownership of all land in South Africa, are incomplete in their coverage. The incomplete and inaccurate official data provides fertile ground for radical statements by the left and the right – and novices on social media. This is why South Africa has to deal with falsehoods coming from the US. These include Trump's statement that black people are not farmers in South Africa. South Africa is to blame for providing inaccurate data to feed these false narratives. The facts presented here should allow a more nuanced interpretation of South Africa's farm structure. Firstly, there are more black farmers in South Africa than white farmers. And not all white commercial farm operations are 'large-scale', and not all black farmers are 'small-scale', 'subsistence' or 'emerging'. Most farm operations can be classified as micro, or small in scale. This is important so that one doesn't view South Africa's agriculture as mainly white farmers. Indeed, we are a country of two agricultures with black farmers mainly at small scale and accounting for roughly 10% of the commercial agricultural output. Still, this doesn't mean they are not active in the sector. They mainly still require support to expand and increase output, but they are active. The facts In the wake of the circus in the Oval Office, we were amazed by the total silence of the many farmers' organisations in South Africa. We have not seen one coming out to reject all of Trump's claims. The only thing we can deduce from this is that these falsehoods suit the political position of some farmer organisations. But at what cost? Will many of their members be harmed by trade sanctions or tariffs against South Africa? The US is an important market for South Africa's agriculture, accounting for 4% of the $13.7 billion (R247bn) exports in 2024. When Ramaphosa highlighted the fact that crime, and rural crime in particular, has an impact on all South Africans and that more black people than white people are being killed, Trump's response was disturbing, to say the least: 'But Blacks are not farmers'. This requires an immediate fact check. We returned to the text from our chapter in the Handbook on the South African Economy we jointly prepared in 2021. In the extract below, we discuss the real numbers of farmers in South Africa and try to provide a sensible racial classification of farmers to denounce Trump's silly statement. As highlighted earlier, the two latest agricultural censuses (2007 and 2017) are incomplete as they restricted the sample frame to farm businesses registered to pay value added tax. Only firms with a turnover of R1 million qualify for VAT registration. We were able to expand the findings from the censuses with numbers from the 2011 population census and the 2016 community survey to better understand the total number of commercial farming units in South Africa. The Community Survey 2016 is a large-scale survey that happened between Censuses 2011 and 2021. The main objective was to provide population and household statistics at municipal level to government and the private sector, to support planning and decision-making. Data from the 2011 population census (extracted from three agricultural questions included in the census) shows that 2 879 638 households out of South Africa's total population, or 19.9% of all households, were active in agriculture for subsistence or commercial purposes. Only 2% of these active households reported an annual income derived from agriculture above R307 000. This translates into 57 592 households that can be considered commercial farmers, with agriculture as the main or only source of household income. This corresponds in some way with the 40 122 farming businesses that are registered for VAT as noted in the 2017 agricultural census report. If we use the numbers from the agricultural census it is evident almost 90% of all VAT-registered commercial farming businesses could be classified as micro or small-scale enterprises. If the farm businesses excluded from the census are accounted for under the assumption that they are too small for VAT registration, then the fact still stands that the vast majority of all farm enterprises in South Africa are small family farms. Graphic Image: Source: StatsSA There are, however, 2 610 large farms (with turnover exceeding R22.5 million, which are responsible for 67% of farm income and employed more than half the agricultural labour force of 757 000 farm workers in 2017. Graphic Image: Source: StatsSA (2020b) – based on additional analysis of the 2016 Community Survey Another way to get to farm numbers is to use the 2016 Community Survey. Using the shares as shown in Table 2, we estimate there are 242 221 commercial farming households in South Africa, of which only 43 891 (18%) are white commercial farmers. (This is very much in line with the VAT registered farmers but also acknowledging the fact that many white farm businesses are not necessarily registered for VAT.) Let's consider only the agricultural households with agriculture as their main source of income, surveyed in the 2016 community survey. We end up with a total of 132 700 households, of whom 93 000 (70%) are black farmers. This reality is something that policy makers and farm organisations find very difficult to deal with and it seems that Trump also found this too good to be true. We have tried here in a long winded way to deal with farm numbers and how to get to a race classification of farmers in South Africa. In the end we trust that we have managed to show that there are more black farmers in South Africa than white farmers. Their share in total output is smaller than that of their white counterparts. The National Agricultural Marketing Council puts black farmers' share of agricultural production as roughly 10%. But these numbers are also incomplete and largely an undercount. It will always be challenging to get to the real number of black farmers' share of agricultural output as nobody would ever know whether the potato or the cabbage on the shelf came from a farm owned by a black farmer or a white person but operated by a black farmer, for example. As South Africans know, the labour on farms, in pack houses, distribution systems and retail are all black. So, the sweat and hard work of black South African workers are integral to the food supply chain in South Africa. Let's get these facts straight and promote them honestly. The Conversation Image: Supplied