Megaquake scare in Japan, Philippines boosts air power: 7 Asia highlights
We have selected seven stories from the SCMP's coverage of Asia over the past week that resonated with our readers and shed light on topical issues. If you would like to see more of our reporting, please consider
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A string of moderate earthquakes off the coast of Japan's northern island of Hokkaido has reignited concerns among experts and residents about the risk of a catastrophic seismic event – though scientists stress the tremors do not necessarily signal an impending disaster.
Malaysia's Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim is facing a sexual harassment suit filed by his former aide, Muhammed Yusoff Rawther. Photo: AFP
A crisis of credibility hangs over Malaysia's Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim as he prepares to face a sexual harassment suit later this month, the latest in a series of controversies that has rocked his administration and cast doubts over his reformist agenda.
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South China Morning Post
an hour ago
- South China Morning Post
Safeguards can ensure legal basketball betting is the best result for all
The NBA finals, under way in the United States, are being closely followed by millions of basketball fans around the world. Many bets will be placed on the matches, including in Hong Kong. All wagers made in the city will be illegal. There is no lawful form of basketball betting, despite its soaring popularity. But that is about to change. The government has released the results of a one-month public consultation on its proposal to legalise betting on the sport. It says 94 per cent of 1,063 respondents were in favour and only 3.4 per cent against. Given that this is a sensitive social issue, with concerns about problem gambling, the level of support is surprisingly high. It is proposed that basketball betting be modelled on the one for football adopted in 2003. Lawful bets must be made with the sole authorised bookmaker, the Hong Kong Jockey Club. No credit will be given, juveniles will not be permitted to bet and there will be no gambling on matches involving local teams or staged in Hong Kong. The move is intended to combat illegal betting on basketball, which is on the rise. The Jockey Club estimates syndicates enjoyed an astonishing turnover of up to HK$90 billion last year from the city on basketball alone. Legalising gambling on the sport will also inject cash into government finances as it tackles a budget deficit of HK$87.2 billion. Betting duty will be 50 per cent of net stake receipts. In time, it is hoped the scheme will raise HK$1.5 billion a year. If people must bet on basketball, it is better they use a lawful, well-regulated platform. Conditions can be imposed and funds pumped back into the community, through taxes and the Jockey Club's charitable donations. But there are also valid concerns the move might encourage problem gambling, especially among young people. These must be taken seriously.
South China Morning Post
an hour ago
- South China Morning Post
Why red tape is a bigger challenge than US for China's military-civilian fusion plan
For decades, China's talk of letting the private sector bid for defence orders had mostly been just that: talk. Advertisement State-owned conglomerates had dominated the sector for decades, but in the middle of 2016, Beijing started to step up its military-civilian fusion strategy, publishing an official list of the sectors where private firms were being encouraged to contribute, such as swarming drone technologies. The plan is a central pillar of China's ambition to develop a modernised military by 2035 and world-class armed forces by 2049. Most details of the military-civilian fusion plan – which aims to accelerate the integration of military and civilian technology and military technology to boost civilian development – have not been made public. However, Beijing has credited it with helping develop advanced equipment for the People's Liberation Army and improving training, planning and logistics. Advertisement However, the plan also carries risks for the private sector. The strategy has become a focal point of the US-China rivalry and as a result, Washington has placed a range of sanctions on a wide range of Chinese companies accused of helping the PLA, which range from semiconductor and artificial intelligence firms to drone makers.
Asia Times
2 hours ago
- Asia Times
Recommitting to Japan-South Korea cooperation amid uncertainty
This article, originally published by Pacific Forum, is republished with permission. As President Lee Jae-myung takes office in South Korea, his new government is poised to begin rebuilding domestic trust and setting forth a new foreign policy agenda. South Korea has been in political limbo for the past six months since former president Yoon Suk Yeol briefly declared martial law in December 2024 – and in the meantime the international arena has been thrown into chaos. As South Korea reemerges into this new global context, it faces some difficult decisions about how to manage its relationships with its key economic and security partners. Precisely because of this uncertain outlook, now is a critical time for the governments in South Korea and Japan to recommit to further strengthening their bilateral relations to deal with shared problems. Prior to the recent period of limbo, Japan-South Korea ties had improved markedly as part of a push by former President Yoon, former Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and former US President Joe Biden to strengthen trilateral relations among their countries. Since the trilateral Camp David Summit in August 2023, over 80 US-Korea-Japan dialogues have been convened to promote collaboration in areas ranging from economics to security to people-to-people exchange. However, with recent changes in political leadership, there are questions as to how Japan-South Korea relations will evolve in the coming months under the Shigeru Ishida and Lee administrations as the two leaders begin to engage. Why should the governments of Japan and South Korea recommit to cooperation now? To begin with, the two governments face worsening security threats. Both Japan and South Korea harbor long-standing concerns about China, as well as about North Korea's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs. Concerns about North Korea have been compounded by deepening cooperation between Pyongyang and Moscow in the war in Ukraine and the likelihood that Russia is rewarding North Korea's support with the transfer of military technologies. In addition, Japan and South Korea depend heavily on an international economic order that is currently in crisis. For years, the World Trade Organization has been stalled by disagreements among developed and developing countries and challenged by the practices of China's state-led economic system. Now, the trade system is under immense strain as the United States imposes unilateral tariffs that undermine the 'most favored nation' principle, and escalating trade war looms as a possibility. Japan and South Korea share an interest in stabilizing the existing economic order, maintaining relatively free flow of goods and services and strengthening their own economic security and national resilience. Moreover, Japan and South Korea must deal with a mutual US ally that is increasingly a source of disruption rather than stability. Both countries run significant trade surpluses with the US, which has made them top targets for tariffs. Japan and South Korea currently face reciprocal tariffs of 24% and 25% respectively, as well as Section 232 tariffs on autos, auto parts, steel, and aluminum. Japanese and Korean companies are being asked to invest more in the US. The two governments are also facing US pressure to boost their defense spending and host nation support and to increase other kinds of alliance burden-sharing at the same time as the US is considering reducing its military presence. In general, the return of an 'America First' approach to US foreign policy throws traditional alliances and institutions into question, leaving Japan and South Korea in a more vulnerable position. How can Japan and South Korea work together to address these challenges? The first step is to maintain the positive progress that has been achieved over the last two mechanisms have been established, and plans have been set in motion to start addressing many of the common concerns mentioned previously. Some initiatives will need to be reexamined under new national leadership, but they constitute an important baseline that should not be lost. Although the Trump administration has reaffirmed support for trilateral US-Japan-South Korea cooperation so far, Tokyo and Soul may need to push forward bilaterally without Washington in some cases. Second, Japan and South Korea may benefit from consulting with one another regarding their respective bilateral negotiations with the US on trade and security issues. In some cases, they may even find creative ways to coordinate their efforts. For example, SK Group Chairman Chey Tae-won recently proposed that South Korea and Japan could respond to US pressure by jointly purchasing liquefied natural gas from the US, 'to increase deal size and leverage greater buying power to secure lower prices.' This type of approach could be applied in other areas. Tokyo and Seoul could also quietly consult on their respective bottom lines, to avoid one government taking a 'bad' deal with the US that sets a negative precedent for the other. Third, Japan and South Korea can build upon the foundation of the last two years to cultivate more widespread support for improving bilateral ties among their domestic stakeholders including legislators, civil society organizations, scholars and the general public. There have already been modest improvements in the two countries' public sentiment toward each other, and now is the time to build on this momentum. The more stakeholders who see Japan-South Korea ties as valuable, the more resilient their relationship will be to negative episodes in the future. There are also likely to be opportunities to build ties in the trilateral context; for example, the US House of Representatives recently introduced bipartisan legislation to establish an inter-parliamentary dialogue among elected politicians in the US, Japan and South Korea. Fourth, Japan and South Korea will benefit from embedding their bilateral cooperation in broader regional and international coalitions. Most of the problems that these two countries face cannot be solved through bilateral cooperation alone; instead, Tokyo and Seoul must partner with other governments in the Indo-Pacific, Europe, and elsewhere to address transnational security and economic challenges. For example, Lee, the new president, has already announced that he will be attending the June summit of the G7, which is an important venue for South Korea to consult with other like-minded countries as a guest. Japan and South Korea can continue to strengthen their cooperation with NATO as part of the 'Indo-Pacific 4.' The two countries should also explore ways to shore up the international economic system through broader trade initiatives. For example, they could work together to revitalize discussions on the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific at the APEC summit in Gyeongju in November, and South Korea could considering joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership as well as the WTO's Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement. Participation in such minilateral initiatives will help further reinforce and stabilize Japan-South Korea bilateral efforts. The path ahead will not be easy. Internal politics in both countries are complex, and leaders will have to balance competing domestic and foreign policy priorities moving forward. The grievances that haunt Japan-South Korea relations cannot simply be ignored, and it will require careful, sustained effort to find mutually acceptable resolutions. However, taking steps now to put Japan-South Korea relations on a more resilient footing will help to facilitate these difficult conversations – and the costs of not cooperating will increase if the international system becomes more unstable. Kristi Govella ( is an associate professor of Japanese politics and international relations at the University of Oxford and senior advisor and Japan chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).
