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American women arrested at California immigration checkpoint for attempting to smuggle children: 'Unbearable'

American women arrested at California immigration checkpoint for attempting to smuggle children: 'Unbearable'

Yahoo11-04-2025

Two American women were arrested at a California immigration checkpoint after border patrol agents determined they were attempting to smuggle two children into the United States.
The women were arrested by Border Patrol agents assigned to the El Centro Sector on Tuesday at an immigration checkpoint on Highway 86 near Westmorland, U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) said in a news release on Thursday.
Authorities reported one woman was driving while the other was in the front passenger seat, and two little girls, ages 10 and 12, were asleep in the back. The identities of the adults were not released.
Ice Highlights Arrests Of 5 Illegal Aliens Convicted Of Violent Crimes, Including Against Children
The woman driving initially told agents they were traveling to California from Arizona, but later told authorities they had come to the U.S. from Mexico through the San Luis Port of Entry.
Discrepancies in the driver's story prompted an Indio Station Border Patrol agent to refer their vehicle for secondary inspection, which is where it was discovered that the children's photos and names did not match what was on their ID cards.
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During questioning, agents learned that the girls were not related to either woman in the vehicle and that the driver did not know their mother.
Florida Police Officer Injured After Illegal Alien Crashes Into Marked Patrol Car
The little girls were ultimately identified as unaccompanied minors from Mexico, CBP said.
Chief Patrol Agent Gregory Bovino, of the El Centro Sector, said this incident is "how the trafficking of children starts."
"It's almost unbearable to think about what heinous crimes await children who aren't with their parents," Bovino said. "The border environment has been rife with this type of activity over the past several years, however, the focus has now shifted, and heavy sentences await smugglers who hurt kids."
Both adult women have been charged with alien smuggling and their vehicle was seized as evidence.Original article source: American women arrested at California immigration checkpoint for attempting to smuggle children: 'Unbearable'

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A Spirit Airlines passenger called in a bomb hoax on a flight he'd just missed to try to delay it taking off, affidavit says
A Spirit Airlines passenger called in a bomb hoax on a flight he'd just missed to try to delay it taking off, affidavit says

Business Insider

time8 minutes ago

  • Business Insider

A Spirit Airlines passenger called in a bomb hoax on a flight he'd just missed to try to delay it taking off, affidavit says

A 23-year-old has been arrested on suspicion of calling in a bomb hoax after missing his Spirit Airlines flight, the Justice Department said Friday. According to an affidavit signed by an FBI special agent, John Charles Robinson was supposed to board Flight 2145 from Detroit Metropolitan Airport to Los Angeles International last Thursday. About 35 minutes before the flight was scheduled to depart, Spirit received a phone call warning about a bomb, it says. The affidavit accuses Robinson of saying, "There's gonna be someone that's gonna try to blow up that flight, 2145." It adds that he also said: "They said it's not going to be able to be detected. Please don't let that flight board." Law enforcement then went to the gate, where the plane doors had to be reopened, and everyone deboarded before bomb-sniffing dogs and FBI bomb technicians swept the aircraft. Passengers went through additional screening, and several of them were interviewed, while telecom company Charter Communications traced the phone call, the affidavit says. After no bombs were found, the flight took off six hours late. Charter Communications said that the call came from Robinson's phone, while law enforcement found that he was booked on Flight 2145, the affidavit says. It adds that Robinson was told at the gate that he had missed the flight, and was rebooked onto a different flight scheduled that evening. Law enforcement approached Robinson when he arrived at Detroit Metropolitan Airport for his new flight, and he initially denied making any phone calls to Spirit, per the affidavit. However, it adds that law enforcement then searched the call log on his phone, and he said he had made the call warning of a bomb threat. "Robinson stated that he made the call with the hope that it would delay the flight long enough for him to make it in time so he would not have to take a different flight," the affidavit says. He was charged with one count of using a cellphone to convey false information about an attempt to damage or destroy an aircraft with an explosive, and one count of false information and hoaxes. The two charges carry a maximum combined sentence of 15 years if Robinson is found guilty. According to court documents seen by Business Insider, he was released on a $10,000 bond. Robinson's next court appearance is scheduled for June 27. "No American wants to hear the words 'bomb' and 'airplane' in the same sentence," said Jerome F. Gorgon, Jr., US Attorney from the Eastern District of Michigan. "Making this kind of threat undermines our collective sense of security and wastes valuable law enforcement resources."

The Scofflaw Strongman
The Scofflaw Strongman

Yahoo

timean hour ago

  • Yahoo

The Scofflaw Strongman

DONALD TRUMP SAYS HIS LATEST VENTURE into dictatorship—deploying the National Guard and Marines against American citizens, over the opposition of state and local officials—is about safeguarding the rule of law. 'If we see danger to our country and to our citizens, we'll be very, very strong in terms of law and order,' Trump told reporters on Sunday, as protests escalated in Los Angeles against his deportations. 'It's about law and order.' Don't believe it. Trump is using the Guard and the military to enforce his will, not the law. The evidence of his insincerity is what he did four years ago: When rioters were on his side, he didn't call in the Guard. He embraced the criminals, pardoned them, and purged the law enforcement officials who prosecuted them. He's a despot and a scofflaw. In the Los Angeles uprising, Trump—like every authoritarian before him—claims to be saving his country from chaos. 'Violent, insurrectionist mobs are swarming and attacking our Federal Agents,' he declared on Sunday afternoon. 'These lawless riots only strengthen our resolve.' A few hours later, he called for 'bringing in the troops . . . RIGHT NOW!!! Don't let these thugs get away with this.' And on Monday afternoon, he ridiculed any suggestion that the protesters were peaceful. 'Just one look at the pictures and videos of the Violence and Destruction,' he wrote, 'tells you all you have to know.' Insurrectionist mobs. Lawless riots. Videos of violence. We've heard such alarming descriptions before. And on January 6, 2021, we saw how little Trump cared about them. Share AT 1:21 P.M. THAT DAY, AS TRUMP returned to the White House after instructing his supporters to march on the Capitol, he was told twice by a member of his staff, 'They're rioting down at the Capitol.' The exact moment of this encounter was captured in a photograph. Trump replied, 'All right, let's go see.' He went to his dining room and watched on TV as the riot proceeded. For the next hour, TV networks aired videos of the violence and destruction. Like this week's videos from Los Angeles, they told the president all he needed to know. But Trump did nothing. Toward the end of that hour—somewhere between 2:13 and 2:24 pm, according to the final report of the House January 6th Committee—Trump's chief of staff, Mark Meadows, informed White House Counsel Pat Cipollone that Trump 'doesn't want to do anything' about the ongoing assault. A few minutes later, Cipollone was heard to tell Meadows, 'They're literally calling for the Vice President to be F'ing hung.' And Meadows was heard to reply, 'You heard him, Pat. He thinks Mike [Pence] deserves it. He doesn't think they're doing anything wrong.' Meanwhile, in a phone call, House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy warned Trump that the rioters 'literally just came through my office windows, and my staff are running for cover. I mean, they're running for their lives. You need to call them [the assailants] off.' Trump responded by rebuking McCarthy: 'Well, Kevin, I guess they're just more upset about the election theft than you are.' These conversations took place as Fox News, which Trump was watching, reported that police had been injured and that rioters inside the Capitol were 'feet from the House chamber.' On the screen, according to the House committee report, Fox 'was showing video of the chaos and attack, with tear gas filling the air in the Capitol Rotunda.' Throughout the afternoon, Trump's aides, family, and friends implored him to tell the rioters to go home. He refused. Not until 4:17 p.m., nearly three hours after being informed about the riot, did he comply. Join now TRUMP NOW CLAIMS that he told the rioters to be peaceful and that he offered ten thousand National Guard troops to protect the Capitol. The first claim is misleading. The second is a lie. The House report shows that before and during the assault, Trump resisted entreaties to call for peace. On January 6th, a text message to one of his top aides, Hope Hicks, said Trump 'should tweet something about Being NON-violent.' Hicks wrote back: 'I suggested it several times Monday and Tuesday and he refused.' At one point in his incendiary speech that morning, Trump did ask his followers to march to the Capitol 'peacefully.' But that phrase, according to the House report, was 'scripted for him by his White House speechwriters.' The main theme of the speech was to 'fight like hell.' Another Trump aide, Sarah Matthews, told the committee that once the riot was underway, Trump resisted pleas to call for peace. He did use the term 'peaceful' in a tweet at 2:38 p.m., but only grudgingly. Trump's press secretary, Kayleigh McEnany, told Matthews that Trump 'did not want to include any sort of mention of peace in that tweet.' Trump's other January 6th story, about the National Guard, is also a sham. His acting defense secretary, his Army secretary, and his chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff all testified that he never ordered the Guard to deploy that day. He never even spoke to these officials. Instead, during the riot, he used his phone to press members of Congress to do what the mob wanted: overturn the election. It's true that before the attack, Trump talked about the possibility of needing guardsmen. But it was never about protecting the Capitol. It was, in Meadows's words, to 'protect pro Trump people' from anti-Trump protesters. In short, everything Trump decries in Los Angeles happened on January 6th, and more. A violent, insurrectionist mob swarmed and attacked police. And instead of bringing in the Guard 'RIGHT NOW,' Trump watched the assault, encouraged the mob, and waited to see whether it would keep him in power. In fact, when he returned to office this year, Trump pardoned nearly everyone who had pleaded guilty to or had been convicted of assaulting police on January 6th. He said the insurrectionists were right: 'They were protesting a crooked election.' He purged the prosecutors who had handled those cases. And in a speech at the Department of Justice, he boasted that he had 'removed the senior FBI officials' who, in his words, had persecuted the 'J6 hostages.' Share NOW, AS HE DEPLOYS THE MILITARY against protesters in an American city, Trump invokes 'law and order' as a bogus excuse. And he vows to go further. On Monday, he announced a policy of escalation against protesters. 'If they spit, we will hit,' he wrote on Truth Social. 'This is a statement from the President of the United States. . . . The Insurrectionists have a tendency to spit in the face of the National Guardsmen/women, and others. . . . IF THEY SPIT, WE WILL HIT, and I promise you they will be hit harder than they have ever been hit before.' On Tuesday, speaking to troops at Fort Bragg, Trump said he was seizing control of the National Guard and ending the tradition of consulting governors. 'We will use every asset at our disposal to quell the violence and restore law and order right away,' he declared. 'We're not going to wait . . . for a governor that's never going to call.' And in remarks in the Oval Office, Trump said his policy of escalating state violence would apply to anyone who protests the military parade on June 14, his birthday. 'If there's any protester [who] wants to come out, they will be met with very big force,' he warned. 'For those people that want to protest. . . . They will be met with very heavy force.' This is not a man defending the rule of law. This is a man continuing the project he began in his first term and tried to complete on January 6th: replacing the rule of law with himself. Share The Bulwark

The Growing Threat of Political Violence From the Left
The Growing Threat of Political Violence From the Left

Newsweek

time2 hours ago

  • Newsweek

The Growing Threat of Political Violence From the Left

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. At a recent protest in Midtown Manhattan—one of many against Donald Trump's administration—a pair of masked women stood quietly outside the stone lions that loom over the New York Public Library, a life-sized cutout of Luigi Mangione propped between them. No one seemed to mind. As chants against authoritarianism echoed down Fifth Avenue and homemade signs called for due process and migrant rights, Mangione's effigy stood unchallenged—just another figure in one particular demonstration's crowded landscape. Mangione, 26, who is charged with shooting and killing UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson in a targeted attack last December, remains something of an enigma more than six months since he was arrested in Pennsylvania in connection with Thompson's murder. His political views — or what are known of them — are contradictory if not incoherent. He was the highly educated scion of a well-off Baltimore family who had no obvious beef with the capitalist system of which he benefited. Mangione wrote about his chronic back injury, but he was never insured by UnitedHealth. None of that has stopped a left-wing activist movement from embracing him and coopting his image as a vigilante fighting against the perceived wrongs of the American healthcare system. In today's fractured political climate, such selective silence is becoming increasingly common. The cutout of Luigi Mangione spotted at a recent anti-ICE protest in Manhattan. The cutout of Luigi Mangione spotted at a recent anti-ICE protest in Manhattan. Newsweek 'Assassination Culture' While right-wing extremism is regularly dissected and denounced in mainstream media, conservatives have long complained that political violence from the left regularly receives less scrutiny—or is reframed entirely to dismiss the perpetrators' progressive views. This perceived imbalance has fueled a growing belief, often discussed on conservative subreddits, in right-leaning Substacks, and on X, that left-wing violence is minimized or rationalized, while right-wing violence is amplified and condemned. The Network Contagion Research Institute (NCRI), a nonpartisan organization that studies the spread of hate, manipulation, and extremism across digital platforms, has raised these concerns recently. Based at Rutgers University, the group uses machine learning and data analytics to identify emerging threats and ideological patterns online. "We're witnessing the alarming rise of what the NCRI calls an 'assassination culture,'" said Max Horder of the NCRI, in an interview with Newsweek. "Violence targeting figures like Donald Trump or Elon Musk has gone beyond normalization—it's being sanctified as resistance by parts of the political left." New Yorkers gathered outside the Tesla dealership in the Meat Packing district in Manhattan to protest against Elon Musk and his actions with DOGE, 3/29/25. New Yorkers gathered outside the Tesla dealership in the Meat Packing district in Manhattan to protest against Elon Musk and his actions with DOGE, 3/29/25. Andrea Renault/STAR MAX/IPx That once-theoretical threat turned very real last July in Butler, Penn., when Donald Trump was nearly killed in the middle of a campaign rally by a lone gunman perched on a nearby rooftop. The near miss shocked the country, but polling showed sharp partisan divides even in the case of the near assassination of a presidential candidate. A YouGov survey conducted shortly after found that 54 percent of U.S. adults said Trump deserved sympathy. Among Democrats, only 31 percent agreed, while 60 percent said he did not. In contrast, 83 percent of Republicans expressed sympathy for the then-candidate, reflecting how politics shapes responses to violence. Two months later, another attempt on Trump's life took place at his Florida golf club. A poll of 1,000 registered voters by Scott Rasmussen's Napolitan News Institute found that 17 percent said it would have been better for the country if Trump had died. Among Democrats, the number was 28 percent. "For decades, we've assumed that calls for political violence come from the far right—and often, they have. What we never expected was the enormous growth in similar calls coming from the mainstream left," Horder said. Both of the men who police say came close to killing Trump last summer also shared something in common with Mangione: political worldviews that ranged from almost completely unclear to contradictory. Thomas Crooks, 20, who was shot dead by Secret Service snipers moments after his bullet grazed Trump's ear in Butler, left virtually no online footprint. He was a registered Republican who donated to Democrats on the day of Joe Biden's inauguration. Ryan Routh, 59, who is accused of lying in wait for Trump in the bushes as he played a round of golf, was a self-proclaimed Trump voter who had grown disillusioned over the war in Ukraine. He also expressed support for Bernie Sanders. Ryan Wesley Routh (left), the gunman involved in the recent assassination attempt on former President Donald Trump at his West Palm Beach golf club, and Thomas Matthew Crooks (right), the gunman in the July 2024... Ryan Wesley Routh (left), the gunman involved in the recent assassination attempt on former President Donald Trump at his West Palm Beach golf club, and Thomas Matthew Crooks (right), the gunman in the July 2024 Butler, Pennsylvania shooting during a Trump rally. More Getty Images / X 'Corridor to Violence' The NCRI rose to prominence in recent years due to its prescient early warnings about far-right radicalization, including the growth of the QAnon conspiracy theory and the risk of political violence leading up to the certification of the election on January 6, 2021. Joel Finkelstein, co-founder of the NCRI, recalled in an interview with Newsweek: "They weren't an accident. They didn't come out of nowhere. They were inevitable." Now, the group is raising similar concerns—this time about rhetoric emerging from the opposite end of the political spectrum. "These aren't fringe beliefs anymore," the group warns. "They're creeping into the mainstream of activist discourse." A recent survey conducted by the NCRI found that nearly one-third of respondents expressed some level of justification for acts of lethal political violence, with significantly higher support among those identifying as left-of-center. Fixty-six percent of those respondents said murdering Donald Trump would be at least somewhat justified, while 50 percent said the same about Elon Musk. The poll also found that 40 percent of all respondents believed it was at least somewhat acceptable to destroy a Tesla dealership in protest of Musk's partnership with Trump, with support rising to nearly 60 percent among those who identified as left-of-center. NCRI's analysis, based on troves of social media data, reveals how fringe internet culture has helped build what the group calls "permission structures" for violence. These are social environments—online or offline—where violent acts are no longer condemned but tacitly accepted, if not outright encouraged. "It's not just about who pulls the trigger," said Finkelstein. "It's about who stays silent, who reposts a meme, who says nothing when someone jokes about killing a billionaire. That's how the corridor to violence gets built." The imagery and meme-ification of Luigi Mangione is one such example. Mangione, currently jailed pending his capital murder trial, has become an anti-hero in niche online communities. His likeness is shared alongside memes depicting Nintendo's Luigi character as a stylized assassin—ironic, cartoonish, but deadly serious. "It looks like a joke," Horder said, linking Mangione's online fame to a pattern of other real-world incidents, including the recent firebombing of elderly Jewish protesters in Boulder, Colo., allegedly by an Egyptian national angry about the war in Gaza. "But it's not. It's a method of radicalization wrapped in humor." A member of the Seattle Fire Department inspects a burned Tesla Cybertruck at a Tesla lot in Seattle, Monday, March 10, 2025. A member of the Seattle Fire Department inspects a burned Tesla Cybertruck at a Tesla lot in Seattle, Monday, March 10, 2025. Lindsey Wasson/AP Photo "They were acting within a worldview that told them these killings would be celebrated. And online, they were." Gaza Conflict and Domestic Spillover Just days before the antisemitic attack in Boulder, two Israeli embassy staffers were gunned down outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C., in a targeted attack that resembled the style of the ambush on Thompson. According to law enforcement, the suspected gunman, Elias Rodriguez, stalked the two young diplomats after they departed an event. Upon arrest, told officers, "I did it for Palestine. I did it for Gaza." "This targeting and outright murder of two people is very much an escalation from traditional left-aligned protest tactics," said Katherine Keneally, director of threat analysis at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a nonprofit that monitors extremism and terrorism, to NPR. "Trends are changing." An FBI team is investigating an attack on demonstrators calling for the release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza, at the scene on Pearl Street in Boulder, Colorado, on June 1, 2025. An FBI team is investigating an attack on demonstrators calling for the release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza, at the scene on Pearl Street in Boulder, Colorado, on June 1, 2025. ELI IMADALI/AFP via Getty Images Since Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, 2023, killing some 1,200 Israelis and taking hundreds more captive, at least five deaths in the U.S. have been linked to the Palestine conflict. Experts told NPR that the war between Israel and Hamas has changed the tone of some left-wing protests, making the red lines less clear. On college campuses across the U.S., protests against Israel have waxed and waned. Some activists have been criticized for spreading messages seen as antisemitic or outright supportive of militant groups like Hamas and Hezbollah. "Left-wing extremism is often overlooked, in part because the worst state abuses and non-state violence associated with proponents of communist and socialist ideologies happened several decades ago," said Jakob Guhl, director of policy and research at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue. "Some actors on the broader far left continue to carry out or support acts of political violence and terrorism," he added. Rodriguez, who is accused of killing the young Israeli diplomats, shared social media posts praising Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah—evidence, researchers say, of a growing wave of pro-Hamas or pro-terrorist sentiment among a small but outspoken group of Gaza-focused activists. According to reports, Rodriguez also spoke admiringly of Mangione in posts unearthed by law enforcement. Seth Jones, director of the defense and security department at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, called the execution of the diplomats "an anomaly"—a rare instance of deadly far-left violence tied to antisemitism. "Typically, attacks against synagogues or Jewish individuals have come from the violent far right," he told NPR. "The escalation is striking," said Colin Clarke of the Soufan Group, a New York-based security consultancy. "Since October 7th, we've seen an uptick in far-left extremism surrounding Gaza. It's not just pro-Palestinian rhetoric anymore—some of it is explicitly pro-Hamas, pro-Hezbollah." Pro-Palestinian activist protest outside Columbia University in New York City on April 20, 2024. A rabbi associated with Columbia University sent a message out Sunday morning recommending that Jewish students go home amid rise in... Pro-Palestinian activist protest outside Columbia University in New York City on April 20, 2024. A rabbi associated with Columbia University sent a message out Sunday morning recommending that Jewish students go home amid rise in "extreme antisemitism." More LEONARDO MUNOZ/AFP via Getty Images However, Keneally, the extremism monitor, said that even as left-wing violence rises, far-right violence—especially from white supremacists—remains the deadliest and most consistent domestic threat, according to federal assessments. "What the research has shown is that when it comes to – and I don't think there's any other more direct way to say it than the death count – incidents that are typically affiliated with issues or ideologies that might fit in a more far-right bucket have been more lethal," she told NPR. Guhl also said he would not to conflate radical but peaceful protest movements on university campuses or civil disobedience tactics with far-left groups that promote political violence. "The term 'left-wing extremism' should not be overused to delegitimize social movements that aim to fundamentally challenge the status quo while still believing in universal human rights rather than the abolition of democracy," he said. An Asymmetry Amplified The trends flagged by researchers—online radicalization, meme culture, and the normalization of violence as a means to justify a political end—are increasingly shaping public discourse well beyond the digital sphere. Peter Turchin, a University of Connecticut professor and leading theorist of structural-demographic cycles, sees the current moment as part of a predictable historical pattern. "In 2010, I predicted a period of political instability beginning in the 2020s," Turchin told Newsweek. "And nearly every warning sign—popular immiseration, elite overproduction, eroding state capacity—has only intensified." While political violence has increased across ideological lines, Turchin said that public perception and media coverage remain uneven. A protester holds a Mexican flag and mask of Donald Trump while standing in front of vandalized a Waymo car during a protest against immigration raids on June 08, 2025 in Los Angeles, California. A protester holds a Mexican flag and mask of Donald Trump while standing in front of vandalized a Waymo car during a protest against immigration raids on June 08, 2025 in Los Angeles, California."Right-wing violence is emphasized by mainstream media because it's perceived as an existential threat to the ruling regime," he said. "Whereas left-wing violence is often seen as less threatening—sometimes even as a counterweight to the right." According to Turchin, this perception gap is no accident. "Narratives around political violence are shaped not just by the acts themselves, but by the stories that elites—and counter-elites—build around them," he said. Both he and Horder agreed that instances of political violence, wherever they come from, perpetuate a cycle in which each side accuses the other of hypocrisy while excusing the bad actors on their own extremes. Recent events have borne this out. The unrest and riots that have spread across parts of Los Angeles this week—triggered by federal immigration raids—has reignited debate about protest tactics and when and how the federal government should involve itself when its presence is not requested by local officials. Meanwhile, videos of self-driving cars aflame and masked rioters throwing rocks at federal agents ricocheted across social media. "If we didn't do the job, that place would be burning down," Trump said about his decision to activate the Guard. "I feel we had no choice. I don't want to see what's happened so many times in this country." Governor Gavin Newsom and Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, California's highest-profile elected officials who are both progressive Democrats, condemned the president for inflaming the simmering unrest, though they were more muted about calling out some of the acts of violence caught on camera. "People talk about radicalization like it's something that happens in dark corners of the internet," said Horder from NCIR. "But it's happening on the streets now too, in broad daylight, sometimes behind banners of justice."

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