Chhattisgarh: Security forces to sustain anti-Maoist operations through monsoon
Following the demise of an assistant superintendent of police rank official in Chhattisgarh recently in a gun-battle with Maoists, the security forces will not observe monsoon recess during on-going anti-LWE operation.
Chhattisgarh's Bastar division has Sunday resolved to continue their anti-Naxal operations throughout the monsoon season.
The decision was formalised during a high-level strategy review meeting held on Sunday, police sources said.
The meeting brought together senior officers from the District Reserve Guard (DRG), Special Task Force (STF), and other units engaged in counterinsurgency efforts.
Discussions focused on adapting operational logistics to the challenges posed by the monsoon, including difficult terrain, disrupted mobility, and communication hurdles. Deputy Chief Minister and Home Department in-charge Vijay Sharma made the government's stance unequivocally clear.
"There will be no further dialogue with the Maoists," he stated. "You either surrender or face decisive action."
This firm declaration signals a significant shift in policy and tone, underscoring the administration's resolve. Historically, anti-LWE operations saw reduced activity during the monsoon months due to logistical challenges.
In a tragic incident in Sukma district's Kunda region, Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) Akash Rao Giripunje was martyred in a Maoist-planted IED (improvised explosive device) blast.
The explosion also left the SDOP and the officer in charge of the local police station seriously injured.
In the aftermath, security agencies have heightened their vigilance, and the government has issued directives for intensified action against the Maoists.
Despite seasonal constraints, the campaign against the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist) organisation remains active across all districts of the Bastar division.
Sources said the officials emphasised that the rainy season will not deter the security apparatus from maintaining pressure on Maoist strongholds.
'Operations will be recalibrated, not paused,' a senior police officer said, highlighting the use of intelligence-led tactics and community engagement to sustain momentum.
The Bastar division, which includes several districts with a history of Maoist activity, has seen intensified operations under the state's broader counterinsurgency framework. Initiatives like 'Lone Varratu' and 'Poona Narkom' have already led to significant surrenders and a weakening of Maoist influence in the neighbouring regions.
The meeting concluded with a reaffirmation of the state's commitment to a three-pronged strategy of 'security, development, and trust-building'.
Officials reiterated that the goal is not only to neutralise armed insurgents but also to restore governance and public confidence in remote tribal areas.
With the monsoon approaching, the Bastar division's security forces appear poised to adapt and persist -- rain or shine -- in their mission to dismantle the Maoist network and restore lasting peace.
As part of this renewed offensive, the state government has transferred nearly a dozen Assistant Superintendents of Police to the LWE-affected regions, reinforcing the operational backbone in conflict-prone districts.
Each officer has been entrusted with a clear mandate; to eliminate the Maoists' threat from their respective areas.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hans India
14 minutes ago
- Hans India
Consensus unlikely in ASEAN on Pakistan's push to become full dialogue partner: Reports
Pakistan is likely to face a stiff opposition from Southeast Asian nations, including Indonesia and Singapore, in its bid to become a full-fledged dialogue partner of ASEAN with support from the grouping's current chair Malaysia, reports cited on Monday. Islamabad's decision to seek membership of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is part of its recent strategy to engage with various multilateral forums to promote its anti-India narrative. Experts reckon that Pakistan is attempting to internationalise its bilateral issues with India, a move that New Delhi has consistently opposed. However, reports suggest that Pakistan's attempts have hit a significant wall considering that ASEAN operates on a consensus-based approach. Indonesia and Singapore are likely to join India in opposing Islamabad's efforts. Some insiders suggest that, acting under pressure from Beijing, Cambodia may support Pakistan's entry into the bloc as a dialogue partner. Cambodia is considered as China's closest partner in the Southeast Asian region while Malaysia, the current chair of ASEAN, has also been enhancing and deepening ties with China. After initially expressing solidarity with Pakistan during Operation Sindoor following the Pahalgam terror attack, Cambodia and Malaysia had withdrawn their statements and backed India's counter-terrorism efforts. Indonesia, home to the world's largest Muslim population, has viewed Pakistan's narrative on Kashmir with scepticism and actively tried to counter its move against India within the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) meetings. At the same time, the Indonesian government has focused on enhancing its strategic and economic ties with India, seeking to expand its engagement with New Delhi. Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, the Chief Guest at 76th Republic Day Celebrations this year, had not only extended his stay during his official visit to India but also cancelled the plan to go to Pakistan. During a recent OIC Parliamentary Union meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia - along with Egypt and Bahrain - blocked attempts by Pakistan to include a reference against India on Kashmir. At a recent OIC meet in New York following the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack, Oman initiated efforts to soften references on Kashmir in the outcome document. The move was backed by Indonesia, Egypt, Bahrain and Kazakhstan. Additionally, last month, the Indian all-party parliamentary delegation led by Janata Dal (United) MP Sanjay Jha during the global outreach campaign on Operation Sindoor held a meaningful interaction with Kao Kim Hourn, Secretary-General of ASEAN, at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta. The Secretary-General strongly condemned all forms of terrorism and appreciated India's principled approach. He also reiterated ASEAN's commitment to work closely with India -- a comprehensive strategic partner -- on security and counter-terrorism cooperation. The ASEAN was established on August 8, 1967 in Bangkok with the signing of the ASEAN Declaration (Bangkok Declaration) by the Founding Fathers of ASEAN. The member states included Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. ASEAN countries remain an important pillar of India's 'Act East' policy and key partner of its Indo-Pacific Vision underlined by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) vision. India attaches huge importance to the ASEAN-centred regional architecture and has reiterated its strong commitment to ASEAN unity, ASEAN centrality, the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and taking forward the ASEAN-India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.
Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
C Raja Mohan writes: At G7 summit in Canada, PM Modi will assess a divided West
As one reflects on the ongoing G7 summit in Canada, it's easy to be distracted by the anti-India protests orchestrated by Khalistani groups or to be perturbed by US President Donald Trump's recurring assertions about mediating peace between India and Pakistan. But the summit has much bigger fish to fry. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's participation comes at a time of profound geopolitical flux and mounting divisions within the G7 itself. Once a symbol of strategic unity among the world's leading democracies, the G7 now reflects deep internal contradictions — across trade, technology, climate, and regional security in Europe, Middle East and the Indo-Pacific. Though India's not a member, its regular presence at the summit affords Delhi a critical platform to advance national interests, elevate its diplomatic profile, and contribute to shaping a new multipolar order. For Modi, this is an opportunity to assess first-hand the new dynamics within the West and make the best of them to promote India's security and prosperity. Indian political and policy elites have long viewed the West as a monolith. But a longer historical perspective reveals that contestation among Western powers was a central theme, especially in the centuries preceding India's independence. As European powers built capitalist economies at home, they fiercely competed abroad for colonies, resources and markets. These inter-imperialist rivalries were key drivers of global politics. The emergence of the Soviet Union during the First World War complicated equations. Both sides of the Western divide sought Soviet support. Only in the aftermath of the war did the East-West dichotomy become the primary lens through which global politics was viewed. Despite Cold War unity against communism, intra-Western differences persisted — though largely tactical in nature. The collapse of the Soviet Union did not immediately disrupt Western coherence. A sense of triumphalism, anchored in the apparent victory of capitalism and liberal democracy, held the alliance together. But fault lines soon emerged. In the mid-1990s, France was already warning against the dangers of America's unrestrained 'hyperpower', a concern that resonated even among US Allies. Before Beijing, Moscow or even Delhi began advocating a multipolar world, it was Paris that championed the concept. France also reached out to India to help shape that order. While Delhi engaged with Russia and China in promoting multipolarity, it also drew closer to the West to build economic and technological capacity. This duality defined India's multi-alignment strategy. It is worth recalling that France and Germany openly opposed the US at the UN Security Council over the planned invasion of Iraq in 2003. Today, divisions over the Middle East run deeper. Europe is increasingly critical of Israeli policies, while the US remains staunchly supportive. The 2018 G7 summit in Canada, held during Trump's first term, was marked by tension after he imposed steel and aluminium tariffs on European allies. A now-iconic image captured Chancellor Angela Merkel and other leaders confronting a defiant Trump. He left early, later accusing Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of dishonesty regarding summit discussions. While the Biden administration sought to restore Western unity, Trump's return to power signals a renewed shift toward American unilateralism. His focus is on promoting American interests, often at the expense of presumed collective Western goals. His MAGA coalition targets not only European economic policies but also their social norms. Trump's anti-woke campaign has morphed into a broader critique of European liberalism, and his support for far-right parties across Europe marks a new level of political intervention. The Trump administration has imposed sweeping tariffs, including a 10 per cent duty on nearly all G7 partners, with threats of further escalation — especially targeting Canada. These moves have provoked alarm among European leaders and the Canadian government, who see them as a direct challenge to the rules-based international trading system long championed by the G7. US-Canada ties have been especially strained. Trump's inflammatory comments—questioning Canadian sovereignty and making casual references to annexation—have deepened tensions. Prime Minister Mark Carney, presiding over his first summit, is working to rally fellow G7 leaders to counterbalance Washington's assertiveness, particularly on trade and defence. Russia's war in Ukraine is another major source of discord. While the G7 continues to back Ukraine and impose sanctions on Moscow, uncertainty over the depth of US commitment is growing. European leaders are anxious about Trump's unpredictability and the potential erosion of transatlantic solidarity. This anxiety is magnified by recent developments in the Middle East — especially following Israel's strike on Iran. The regional crisis has heightened summit urgency but also exposed divergent positions on oil, security, and diplomacy. Defence spending has become a new flashpoint. Trump's demand that G7 partners raise military budgets to 5 per cent of GDP — well above NATO's 2 per cent guideline — has met resistance. Most members cite domestic constraints and question the need for such an aggressive ramp-up. Disputes also linger over climate change and digital policy. Trump's scepticism about ambitious climate targets and global digital regulation frameworks has hampered consensus, despite European pressure for forward movement. Acknowledging these divisions, Carney has abandoned the tradition of a joint communiqué, opting instead for a summary note that reflects the absence of consensus. The 2025 summit thus serves as a powerful reminder of the difficulties facing multilateralism in an era of renewed nationalism. Against this backdrop, the Khalistani protests and Trump's occasional remarks about Kashmir pale into insignificance. Carney's invitation to Modi underscores India's growing importance as a partner for the G7. Modi would do well to ignore the distractions, work toward repairing ties with Canada, and re-engage with Trump. More importantly, he must assess the internal contradictions of the West, minimise their fallout for Indian interests, deepen bilateral partnerships with G7 members, and position India as a key stakeholder in shaping the global architecture that will inevitably emerge from the current turbulence. The writer is distinguished fellow at the Council on Strategic and Defence Research, New Delhi, and contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express
Mint
an hour ago
- Mint
Israel-Iran conflict: Echoes of history haunt West Asia
The ghosts of Persepolis are awake. And the ancient civilizational memory of the Persian Empire's conquest by Alexander, long buried under diplomacy, trade deals and strategic hedging, has erupted again into confrontation. Since last week, Israel and Iran have exchanged fresh attacks—a dreary birthday greeting for the Nobel Peace Prize aspirant President Donald Trump; now he is yet another US president presiding over yet another Middle East war. While the Israeli strikes may not have been formally greenlit by Washington, Tehran clearly believes that the US gave its tacit support. The optics confirm the suspicion. Trump quickly praised Israel's actions as 'excellent." The reality is that America, for all its denials, is enmeshed in this spiral. Also Read: Javier Blas: An Israel-Iran war may not rattle the oil market The retaliatory calculus now unfolding across the region is not merely a security crisis for West Asia, but a geopolitical accelerant that's likely to impact every energy-dependent economy, every maritime route and every diplomatic playbook. Israel's posture is clear. While Tel Aviv's official rationale focuses on preventing an Iranian nuclear threat, the ambition goes much deeper. Its public call to the Iranian people to reclaim their ancient identity from a repressive regime signals that this is more than a deterrence operation. It is a deeper push for regime change—dressed in the rhetoric of historical destiny and national security. But history warns us: such efforts are rarely clean or conclusive. Iran, despite economic pain and internal pressures, remains a deeply entrenched security state, ideologically hardened and regionally networked. This is Iran's gravest moment since the brutal eight-year war with Iraq in the 1980s. It will not roll over. If anything, it may double down—invoking nationalism, escalating hostilities asymmetrically and hardening its anti-Western stance. Its diplomatic patience has already snapped: nuclear talks with the US are off. Tehran's proxies, weakened but not dismantled, can still act. Also Read: Escalating Israel-Iran conflict to keep markets on boil in near term The hostility of recent decades often obscures a longer arc of cooperation. Iran and Israel were once covert allies if not friends. During the Shah's era, intelligence coordination, defence exchanges and economic trade between the two countries ran deep. Iran, despite its Islamic identity, had few qualms engaging with Israel when Arab states turned their backs. That brief alignment ended with the revolution of 1979, which ushered in decades of mutual suspicion, proxy conflicts and now direct warfare. The war that has broken out is not between strangers. It is between two actors that know each other's red lines and vulnerabilities all too well. Meanwhile, this week's G7 summit in Canada was expected to focus on Ukraine and trade wars. Instead, the war in West Asia has hijacked the agenda. America's allies, already stretched by conflict fatigue and inflationary pressures, now face a volatile and wider theatre. Each leader has domestic elections to win. Also Read: India concerned about crude oil supply disruptions in Strait of Hormuz as prices surge after Israel's attacks on Iran Energy markets responded instantly. Brent crude surged by around 10%, briefly touching $80 per barrel before retreating. Even the threat of a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, a choke-point for one-fifth of the world's oil, is enough to send freight and insurance rates soaring, stress inventories and raise inflationary risks globally. Financial markets are jittery. Stock indices across Asia and Europe slid on the news. Safe-haven assets like gold and the Swiss franc gained. Central banks, already wary of inflation, now have another external shock to factor in. What began as a localized exchange is fast becoming a global variable. Also Read: Israel's war on Iran to hit Indian workforce India must prepare for a more volatile neighbourhood and a world less forgiving of ambivalence. India must read this moment with clarity and urgency. Our ties with both Israel and Iran are strategic. With Iran, our partnership has roots in oil, infrastructure and geography. The Chabahar port, India's critical gateway to Central Asia, sits precariously close to the theatre of conflict. Any disruption in Iran destabilizes India's westward ambitions. With Israel, the country's relationship is deep on defence, technology and innovation. It is one of our most trusted sources of military and cyber-defence systems. This is not a conflict India can watch from the sidelines any longer. India chose to distance itself from a recent Shanghai Cooperation Organization statement condemning Israeli strikes. That was a calculated signal—of an independent posture and refusal to be boxed into bloc geopolitics. But non-alignment cannot mean silence. Also Read: Sensex plunges 1% as Israel-Iran tensions, plane crash spook investors India must prepare for more than diplomatic discomfort. Most of India's oil passes through the Strait of Hormuz. Any escalation that imperils this artery will translate into rising prices, supply insecurity and inflationary pressure back home. The cost of shipping oil will rise, pressure on the rupee will increase and our space for fiscal comfort will narrow. What this moment demands is pre-emptive preparedness: logistical agility, strategic stockpiles and deeper bilateral assurances with Gulf oil-supply partners. India has unique diplomatic capital. New Delhi can speak to Tel Aviv and Tehran, to Washington and Riyadh and to Moscow and Brussels. That bridge-building potential must now translate into global diplomacy, strategic engagement and firm messaging. As fires rage across West Asia once more, it is not just oil that flows through the Strait of Hormuz, but also the weight of history as ancient civilizations try to secure their future. The author is a corporate advisor and author of 'Family and Dhanda'
