Tesla signs deal for $556 million grid-scale battery storage station in China
Tesla Friday signed a $556.8 million agreement to build a grid-scale battery storage station in China.
The deal is with China Kangfu International Leasing Co., as well as the Shanghai local government.
It's the first Tesla large-scale battery storage facility in China.
In a statement on Chinese social media site Weibo, Tesla said, 'Tesla's first grid-side energy storage power station project in mainland China has been officially signed.The grid-side energy storage power station is a 'smart regulator' for urban electricity, which can flexibly adjust grid resources.'
Tesla said that, when complete, this project is expected to become the largest grid-side energy storage project in China.
Utility-scale battery energy storage assists energy grid management by keeping supply and demand in balance. More is being built worldwide.
Tesla competed against two Chinese companies that offer similar products. CATL and automaker BYD have significant global market share in these battery storage products.
China plans to add nearly 5 gigawatts of electricity supply powered by batteries by the end of 2025, which would bring the total capacity to 40 gigawatts.
Copyright 2025 UPI News Corporation. All Rights Reserved.
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‘This is the looting of America': Trump and Co's extraordinary conflicts of interest in his second term
The South Lawn of the White House had never seen anything like it. The president of the United States was posing for the world's media against a backdrop of five different models of Tesla, peddling the electric vehicles with the alacrity of a salesman on commission. 'I love the product, it's beautiful,' Donald Trump said as he sank into the driver's seat of a scarlet Model Y. With the Tesla CEO, Elon Musk, beside him, he went on to enlighten the American people that some Tesla models retail for as little as $299 a month, 'which is pretty low'. That same day, within hours of the White House's makeover into a Tesla showroom, the New York Times revealed that Musk had decided to invest $100m in political groups working for Trump. The massive injection of capital would enhance the nearly $300m Musk had already spent getting Trump elected. Related: 'I have never seen such open corruption': Trump's crypto deals and loosening of rules shock observers A week after the commercial on the South Lawn, on 19 March, Trump's commerce secretary, the billionaire investment banker Howard Lutnick, went on Fox News and exhorted viewers to 'buy Tesla'. 'Who wouldn't invest in Elon Musk's stock?' he gushed. 'He is probably the best person to bet on I've ever met.' At the time Lutnick made those remarks, he had yet to divest himself from Cantor Fitzgerald, the financial services firm he had led for 35 years. He was talking up stock in which he still had a vested interest – Cantor held $300m in Tesla shares, a stake that has since soared to $555m. And the commerce secretary was also bigging up his friend Musk, whose SpaceX and Starlink businesses are regulated by the commerce department that Lutnick now controlled. Eight days in March, three friendly billionaires, one of them the world's most powerful person, another the world's richest person. Doing what friends do: scratching each other's backs. Even though Musk later fell out with Trump – in a shocking social media spat that roiled US politics – the imagery remains powerful and highly symbolic of Trump's second term in the White House. Between them they committed in those eight days acts that, had they occurred during any previous presidency – including Trump's own first administration – would have provoked howls of protest concerning quid pro quo. Yet those eight days represent just a tiny slice of the graft and possible misconduct that is unfolding. The gift by the Qatari government of a $400m luxury jetliner to be repurposed as Air Force One has become the paradigm of the blitz of ethical dilemmas unleashed by Trump. The Pentagon last month accepted possession of the plane, which will be transferred to Trump's presidential library once he leaves office. That Trump doggedly accepted the Qatari 'palace in the sky' despite widespread condemnation speaks volumes about how indomitable he feels at this moment. He has shrugged aside the rebukes even of devoted Trump supporters, including the rightwing commentator Ben Shapiro, who bridled at the transfer's grubby appearance, calling it 'skeezy stuff'. It also shows Trump's disdain for the US constitution, given the emoluments clause's clear prohibition. Presidents are not allowed to accept high-value gifts from foreign governments without congressional consent. Yet the luxury jumbo jet is also just the thinnest edge of a very fat wedge. There has been so much more that has flown, if not under the radar, then partially obscured from sight amid the ethical blizzard of corruption and influence. There have been multimillion-dollar TV packages, real estate deals in Arab petrostates, dinners with the president going for $5m a pop, plum job offers for contributors to Trump's inaugural fund, cryptocurrency ventures attracting lucre from secret foreign investors, 'drill, baby, drill' enticements for oil and energy donations – the list goes on, and on … and on. Trump and his team of billionaires have led the US on a dizzying journey into the moral twilight that has left public sector watchdogs struggling to keep up. Which is precisely the intention, said Kathleen Clark, a government ethics lawyer and law professor at Washington University in Saint Louis. 'They have mastered the technique of flooding the zone – doing so much so fast that they are overwhelming the ability of ethics groups and institutions to respond.' Chris Murphy, the Democratic US senator from Connecticut, has delivered two long speeches on the floor of his chamber in which he has itemised Trump and Co's most controversial transactions. The record already stretches to scores of entries, chronicling what Murphy calls Trump's 'efforts to steal from the American people to enrich himself and his friends'. In an interview with the Guardian, the senator said that Trump's was a 'pay-for-play administration. That's the underlying theme. You pay Donald Trump money, he does favors for you. That's old-fashioned corruption.' Clark's analysis is even more pointed. 'People talk about 'guardrails' and 'norms' and 'conflict of interest', which is all very relevant,' she said. 'But this is theft and destruction. This is the looting of America.' *** Trump signaled that he would be a president like no other at the start of his first term, when he became the only occupant of the Oval Office in modern times to refuse to divest his assets by putting them into a blind trust. Though presidents are not bound by conflict of interest laws applying to other elected officials, the norm has been for incumbents to set themselves high standards, the archetype being Jimmy Carter's sale of his peanut farm. Trump, by contrast, put his assets in a trust that remained under the control of his family, with him as its sole beneficiary. He incurred numerous accusations of first-term conflicts of interest, as foreign officials from 20 countries descended on his hotels, while Secret Service agents in Trump's security detail were made to pay premium rates, pouring at least $10m into his bank account. Such unprecedented disregard for time-honored ethical boundaries was shocking at the time. Now it looks merely quaint. 'In the first Trump administration there were ethical lapses,' said Danielle Caputo, senior legal counsel for ethics at the Campaign Legal Center watchdog organization. 'With this new administration, there's not just a disregard for ethics rules, there's contempt.' The conversion of political power into cash began even before Trump re-entered the White House. Weeks before the inauguration, Melania Trump sealed a $40m deal with Jeff Bezos for an Amazon Prime 'behind-the-scenes' documentary on her life. Trump banked millions of dollars of his own by leveraging his status as president-elect to browbeat tech companies. He settled disputes over the freezing of his then Twitter and Facebook accounts in the wake of the 6 January 2021 insurrection at the US Capitol, prising $10m out of his friend Musk, and $25m from Meta. Trump used the months leading up to November's election to test-run what, as Murphy noted, has become a theme of his second presidency – pay-to-play. He invited oil executives to Mar-a-Lago and, as the Washington Post revealed, offered them a 'deal' in which they would donate $1bn to his campaign and in return he would tear up profit-limiting environmental regulations once he was back in the White House. He kept his promise: on day one of his new administration he discharged a barrage of pro-fossil fuel actions. Donors to his record-breaking $239m inaugural fund have also found Trump to be a grateful benefactor. Warren Stephens, an investment banker who gave $4m, was rewarded with the role of US ambassador to the UK; Jared Issacman, a billionaire pilot and close associate of Musk's, gave $2m to the fund and was tapped to lead Nasa (he was abruptly yanked from the appointment last month after he was reportedly discovered to have been been donating to Democrats). It's over the line, unlawful, corrupt and unethical. It is un-American Norman Eisen of the Brookings Institution The pattern has continued into 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Three months into the administration, Trump's eldest son, Don Jr, launched an elite private members' club named Executive Branch which commands a sign-in fee of a cool $500,000. Its attraction? Access to cabinet members and top Trump advisers. Not to be outdone by his own son, Trump himself has followed the same playbook at his Mar-a-Lago resort. In March, he began inviting business leaders to dine with him in group settings at $1m a seat. Prefer something more intimate? No problem. One-on-one meetings are also available, yours for $5m. For a seasoned observer such as Norman Eisen of the Brookings Institution, the sheer mass of problematic transactions puts the administration beyond the pale. 'It's over the line, unlawful, corrupt and unethical. It is un-American.' Eisen has experience dealing with knotty ethical issues. He was special counsel for ethics during Barack Obama's first year in the White House. Obama notes in his autobiography, A Promised Land, that Eisen earned himself the title of Dr No, so strict was his approach to conflicts of interest. He would tell White House officials hoping to attend outside events that 'if it sounds fun, you can't go'. Eisen told the Guardian that he prevented Obama from refinancing his family home in Chicago. 'He was regulating the banking industry at the time, in the midst of the Great Recession.' The contrast between such almost pedantic strictures and the free-for-all in today's White House astonishes and dismays Eisen. 'If my somewhat tongue in cheek motto for Obama was 'If it's fun, you can't do it,' then the motto of the Trump White House seems to be 'If you can make a buck, grab it.'' Exhibit one of such conduct, Eisen suggests, is the Trump family's dive into the world of crypto. Shortly before the inauguration, they launched personal lines of meme coins, $Trump and $Melania. Then they issued a new cryptocurrency pegged to the dollar, known as a stablecoin. Taken together, Eisen believes that the two crypto ventures from the family of a sitting president amount to 'one of the worst and most shocking conflicts of interest in our nation's history'. Trump bragged on the campaign trail that he would turn the US into the 'crypto capital of the planet'. He was more circumspect in front of his faithful followers about the big plans his sons were simultaneously developing to cash in on the currency. Since his election victory, Trump has used his presidential status and executive power to boost not only the general standing of crypto but also his personal stake within it. One of his early executive orders created a 'strategic bitcoin reserve' designed to bolster the industry. At the same time, he eviscerated basic regulatory controls, halted federal crypto-related lawsuits and disbanded a taskforce trained to hunt down crypto criminals. 'We have a president whose net worth now includes very substantial investments in cryptocurrency who at the same time is loosening regulations on the crypto industry,' Eisen said. We've been pretty successful in this country rooting out corruption, or at least pushing it into the shadows. Now it happens out in the open Democratic senator Chris Murphy The unrivalled magnetism of the US presidency helped Trump to blast his nascent meme coin, a currency almost entirely reliant on hype, into the stratosphere. It rocketed from $6.50 on inauguration day to a peak of $73. Then, when it predictably plummeted back down to below $10, he used his presidential allure brazenly once again to boost the coin. This time he announced a 'private intimate dinner' for the top 220 $Trump investors, followed by an exclusive White House tour for the top 25. The ensuing scramble for a seat at the presidential dining table reportedly earned the Trump family $148m. The $Trump meme coin is an ethics regulator's waking nightmare. There is little transparency around who is channelling money into it, and even less around the potentially nefarious motives of investors. The same might be said about the Trumps' other big crypto venture, World Liberty Financial, which was launched last September by Trump's sons. The president himself is listed by the company as its 'chief crypto advocate'. Federal law sets tight rules against foreign parties donating to presidential campaign or inaugural funds. Yet there is nothing to prevent outside interests with connections to foreign governments engaging with World Liberty and its new product, the USD1 stablecoin. One of its biggest backers is the Chinese-born crypto billionaire Justin Sun (best known for paying $6.2m at a New York art sale for a banana taped to a wall, then eating it). Before the inauguration, Sun pumped $75m into World Liberty. A few weeks later, the Securities and Exchange Commission paused an investigation into him for alleged securities fraud. USD1 is currently valued at $2.3bn, the lion's share of which comes from a $2bn transaction by MGX, a firm which happens to be chaired by the intelligence chief of the United Arab Emirates. That a company with ties to the government of an Arab petrostate should be able to make such a giant investment in a crypto venture generating profit for the sitting US president and his family goes against the grain of decades of robust accountability work countering conflicts of interest. 'We've been pretty successful in this country rooting out corruption, or at least pushing it into the shadows,' Murphy, the US senator, told the Guardian. 'Now it happens out in the open.' And it doesn't stop there. Over the past few months Trump's second son, Eric, has been frenetically traveling the globe in search of real estate deals, throwing to the winds the pledge Trump made in his first administration to eschew any foreign business transactions. In his second administration, Trump has made no such promise. All he has conceded this time, in a document released by his lawyers in January, is that the Trump Organization will avoid cutting business deals with foreign governments. Even that boundary has been pushed close to breaking point. Eric Trump sealed his first deal since Trump re-entered the White House in April. It involves the construction of the Trump International Golf Club & Villas outside the Qatari capital, Doha, as part of a $5bn luxury beachside resort. The company managing the development, Qatari Diar, is owned by the sovereign wealth fund of the Qatari government. Two weeks after the Trump Organization announced the deal, the president himself arrived in Doha as part of his three-country tour of the Middle East. He declared the trip a huge success, having drummed up trillions of dollars of business and investments for the US. *** The Guardian invited the White House to comment on complaints that the president has blurred his public duties with his family's personal profit-making activities to a degree never before seen in the US. A White House spokesperson replied with a statement which they asked us to print in its entirety, so here goes: 'There are no conflicts of interest. President Trump's assets are in a trust managed by his children. It is shameful that the Guardian is ignoring the GOOD deals President Trump has secured for the American people, not for himself, to push a false narrative. President Trump only acts in the best interests of the American public – which is why they overwhelmingly re-elected him to this office, despite years of lies and false accusations against him and his businesses from the fake news media.' The argument that there is no conflict of interest because Trump's business is handled by his children, specifically his sons – Don Jr leading on crypto and his social media empire, Eric on real estate – is an interesting one. Sons seem to be de rigueur, to the extent that members of Trump's inner circle who lack them might feel the need to borrow one. Take other key figures in Trump's cabinet, which is packed with so many banking and energy billionaires that it ranks as the richest presidential cabinet in modern history. Lutnick, the commerce secretary, who has a personal fortune of about $2.2bn, has been involved in various accusations of conflict of interest since he encouraged Fox News viewers to 'buy Tesla'. At the start of this year Cantor Fitzgerald, the Wall Street firm Lutnick led for almost four decades, increased its investment in Strategy, the biggest corporate holder of bitcoin in the world. Cantor's stake rose by several hundred million dollars to $1.3bn, research by the watchdog has found. At the same time, Lutnick was actively helping Trump create his strategic bitcoin reserve, a move that greatly strengthened the cryptocurrency. Last month, Lutnick divested himself of his Cantor stake, but he did so by transferring his ownership to his two sons. Cantor is now controlled by Brandon Lutnick, 27, and Kyle Lutnick, 28. Or take Robert F Kennedy Jr, the vaccine-skeptic health secretary. Under intense pressure from Democratic senators, he agreed to divest his 10% stake in any payout from an ongoing lawsuit in which he is engaged against Merck over its HPV vaccine, Gardasil. Government officials are not allowed under federal law to participate personally in official matters in which they have a financial interest. So what did Kennedy do? He transferred his stake in the case to one of his adult sons. And then there's Mehmet Oz, the multimillionaire physician better known by his TV name, Dr Oz, whom Trump put in charge of Medicare and Medicaid. As the Washington Post has reported, Oz co-founded a health benefits company, ZorroRX, that helps hospitals save on prescription drugs. This would have been an indisputable conflict of interest, because in his job as head of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, Oz wields huge sway over hospital drug policies, and thus ZorroRX profits. Since taking up the position Oz, whose wealth is put at up to $300m, has divested himself of some of his investment portfolio and is no longer mentioned on ZorroRX's website. His fellow co-founder of ZorroRX, however, is still listed as the firm's head of medical affairs. That's his son, Oliver Oz. Under federal conflict of interest law, there is no prohibition on adult children managing the interests of parents who hold public office. Yet the spirit of the law does force us to reflect on why so many Trump administration leaders are so fond of handing sensitive money-making portfolios to their sons. 'By giving over to your son, you are immediately raising questions about how separate you are going to be from the success of this business,' said Caputo of the Campaign Legal Center. 'Will you be focused on what's best for the public, or will you be guided in your decision-making by what would most benefit your family?' *** In the last analysis, what matters most perhaps about the financial dealings of the Trump administration is what impact they are having on the American people. In particular, what is it doing to the 77 million voters who put their trust in Trump and sent him back to the Oval Office? Trump returned to the White House partly on his promise to working-class Americans that he would 'drain the swamp', liberating Washington from the bloodsucking of special interests. Yet a review by the Campaign Legal Center found that Trump nominated at least 21 former lobbyists to top positions in his new administration, many of whom are now regulating the very industries on whose behalf they recently advocated. Eight of them, the Campaign Legal Center concluded, would have been banned or restricted in their roles under all previous modern presidencies, including Trump's own first administration. They include Pam Bondi, the US attorney general. She approved the gift of the Qatari luxury jetliner as 'legally permissible', having herself worked as a lobbyist for Qatar. Trump's other great pledge was that he would put the wellbeing of 'forgotten' working people before that of the vested elites. His appeal was pitched at the millions of rural and working-class Americans who have languished from mounting income inequality, the decline of manufacturing jobs in the globalised economy, and what he claimed was the negative effects of millions of undocumented immigrants. Evan Feinman has witnessed personally and up close how this promise has fared in Trump 2.0. For the past three years, Feinman was busy leading a $42.5bn program created by Congress to bring affordable high-speed internet to every American home and business that needed it. The project was vast and ambitious, on a par with the rural electrification drive that transformed the heartlands of America in the 1930s. Located within the US commerce department, its success is critical to the future prosperity of millions of Americans, especially those in hard-bitten rural areas of the sort that solidly backed Trump in the last election. Studies have shown that giving families access to the internet improves the grades of school students, increases college enrolment and reduces the likelihood of households falling into debt. It also helps older Americans stay in their own homes and avoid residential care. By the inauguration, the broadband project was well under way, with several states only weeks away from breaking ground and laying the cables. Then Lutnick took over the reins of the commerce department. Within a days of his confirmation, Lutnick met with senior managers and informed them he wanted to scale back on the use of fibre optic and switch to satellite. According to an account of the meeting that was given to Feinman by someone present, Lutnick specifically inquired after his friend Musk, the CEO of Starlink, which provides internet services through low-Earth orbit satellites. Days after that, Feinman was told he was being let go. His contract was up for renewal, and it wasn't being extended. 'I was dismayed,' Feinman told the Guardian, insisting that his distress was not so much related to his own dismissal but out of concern for the Americans who would be harmed by the shift. By his reckoning, satellite internet would not only be slower than broadband, it would also be much more expensive – costing users an extra $840 a year in fees. 'For Americans in rural locations, that's going to really hurt. Many of the president's strongest supporters – up to hundreds of thousands of families who voted for Trump – are going to see slower, more expensive internet services, and all to the benefit of the wealthiest man on earth.' According to some estimates, Musk's Starlink stands to make $10bn to $20bn should the shift from broadband to satellite internet go ahead. The episode has left Feinman 'deeply saddened. I see my nation harming itself in ways that are inexplicable and entirely avoidable.' He fears for rural Americans who will pay the price. 'These are communities who put their trust in this administration. They are going to find that their trust has not been honored, and it will be to their significant future detriment.'
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43 minutes ago
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3 of the Best Luxury Cars of 2025 Cost Less Than $45K
Luxury cars don't always come with a six-figure price tag. Acura Integra, Tesla Model 3, and Audi A4 deliver sleek styling, premium features and strong performance for under $45,000. Discover Next: Find Out: If you want an upscale ride without overspending, these three cars are worth a closer look. Price: $34,195 to $39,195 Miles Per Gallon: 26 to 29 miles in the city, 36 miles on the highway Drive Type: FWD Power: 200 hp at 6000 rpm Acura Integra is considered to be a sporty, luxury hatchback with 18-inch wheels and has an option for a six-speed manual transmission. The interior offers faux leather seats with faux suede inserts, an 8 to 12-way adjustable driver's seat with a four-way adjustable passenger seat and a generous 24 cubic-foot cargo area. Add the Technology package for a 9.0-inch infotainment display and wireless smartphone charging. The car's powertrain warranty covers six years or 70,000 miles, which is more than the Integra's competitors. Complimentary scheduled maintenance is offered at two years or 24,000 miles. Read More: Price: $44,130 Miles Per Gallon: 145 in the city, 128 on the highway Drive Type: RWD Power: 295 hp at 7000 rpm Tesla Model 3 Long Range RWD is a luxury electric compact sedan with a driver-assist system that has earned a spot on the Car and Driver Editors' Choice List for 2025. One improvement Tesla has made to the Model 3 is moving its turn signals to the steering wheel. Also, the gear shift is now on the display screen. The interior is unlike any other car on the market due to its simple design that's dominated by the extra-large touch screen secured in the middle of the dashboard, which controls almost all the functions except for those located on the steering wheel. Even with the interior being streamlined, there are many areas for storage, and the trunk space provides ample room for up to 15 carry-on suitcases. For rear passengers, there's an 8-inch touchscreen for climate control and entertainment options, including arcade games, Netflix and YouTube. The Model 3 has a Powertrain warranty that covers eight years or 100,000 miles, but no complimentary scheduled maintenance. Price: $44,100 Miles Per Gallon: 26 in the city, 36 on the highway Drive Type: AWD Power: 201 hp at 4200 rpm Audi A4 is a luxury small car that was made for the daily driver, which is now in its last year of production. The myAudiapp remote engine start is now featured on all trims of the A4. Its leather upholstered interior has a sunroof, spacious rear seating, 12 cubic feet of trunk space and a 10.1-inch touchscreen for infotainment. Adding the Premium Plus trim will allow the driver to experience many features, including a powerful Bang and Olufsen 19-speaker audio system and the Virtual Cockpit with an awesome digital gauge display. A4's Powertrain warranty covers 4 years or 50,000 miles. However, there's no complimentary scheduled maintenance included. More From GOBankingRates 3 Reasons Retired Boomers Shouldn't Give Their Kids a Living Inheritance (And 2 Reasons They Should) This article originally appeared on 3 of the Best Luxury Cars of 2025 Cost Less Than $45K Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data
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Up 77% in a year, could Tesla stock hit $500?
It has been a dizzying year for investors in Tesla (NASDAQ: TSLA). On one hand, the December high of almost $480 seems like a distant memory, with Tesla stock having fallen 33% since then. On the other hand, the stock is still riding high from a long-term perspective. In fact, it is now 77% higher than it was a year ago. I am wondering whether it can get back to that $480 level and a bit higher, to break the $500 mark – and should I invest? Some shares move based largely on their financial fundamentals. If the company issues a profit warning, its share falls. When sales rise, the share price moves up. Tesla is different. A lot of the moves in its stock seem only loosely (if at all) related to financial performance. They are driven by investors' views about what the company might achieve in future, sometimes far in future. I think there tends to be a fair dose of emotion not rationality involved in some cases. Take the role of the chief executive as an example. How much would the stock collapse if he was run over by a bus (or self-driving Tesla) tomorrow? My guess is it would crater. That alone flags up the enormous key man risk in this stock. A lot of the value is being attached to current company leadership, not the company itself. But leadership can change. Even at the current stock price, Tesla trades on a price-to-earnings (P/E) ratio of 177. That strikes me as unjustifiably high. But the stock price would need to move 53% higher to hit $500, implying an even larger P/E ratio. Obviously, investors are currently valuing the company based on its prospects. From self-driving cars to robotics, Tesla has lots in development that could boost its sales massively. Nor is this just some implausible startup. With its car business, Tesla has already demonstrated that it is able to scale up massively from scratch, overcome sizeable hurdles, and become profitable. So, that proven capability adds credibility to its plans for further business development. But we are years away – at least – from those business areas becoming significant contributors to the company's bottom line, if they ever do. The power storage business is growing fast but I think that is already reflected in the current stock price. Meanwhile, the company's car sales volumes fell slightly last year and dramatically in the first quarter of this year. Just getting back on an even keel, let alone returning to the sort of high growth seen historically, will require a lot of effort. The electric vehicle market is far more competitive now than a few years back. Taken together, Tesla right now looks like a car company with its work cut out, a decent power storage business with strong growth prospects, and some other ideas that have yet to prove their commercial viability. On that basis, the current P/E ratio seems ludicrously high to me. If there is enough good news and it fuels investors' hopes, maybe Tesla stock will hit $500. Rationally, though, my concern is that it is overvalued, not undervalued. I will not be investing. The post Up 77% in a year, could Tesla stock hit $500? appeared first on The Motley Fool UK. More reading 5 Stocks For Trying To Build Wealth After 50 One Top Growth Stock from the Motley Fool C Ruane has no position in any of the shares mentioned. The Motley Fool UK has recommended Tesla. Views expressed on the companies mentioned in this article are those of the writer and therefore may differ from the official recommendations we make in our subscription services such as Share Advisor, Hidden Winners and Pro. Here at The Motley Fool we believe that considering a diverse range of insights makes us better investors. Motley Fool UK 2025 Sign in to access your portfolio
