logo
North Korean POW captured in Ukraine seeks asylum in South, sparking potential ‘domino effect'

North Korean POW captured in Ukraine seeks asylum in South, sparking potential ‘domino effect'

North Korean prisoner of war has become the first from his country captured in Ukraine to seek asylum in South Korea , with experts suggesting it could spark a flood of similar requests and force Pyongyang to reconsider its role in a conflict far beyond its borders.
Advertisement
The 26-year-old POW, surnamed Ri, is one of two North Korean soldiers captured by Ukrainian forces. In his first interview with the Korean press, Ri told the Chosun newspaper that he was almost certain about defecting.
'I'm about 80 per cent sure about my decision,' Ri said in the interview published on Wednesday. 'Most importantly, I want to seek refuge in the Republic of Korea. If I apply for asylum, will they accept me?' he said, referencing South Korea's official name.
Professor Kim Jee-yong, an expert in international relations at the Republic of Korea Naval Academy, said he believed that granting Ri asylum could set off a 'domino effect', with other North Korean POWs following suit.
'This would force North Korea to reconsider its continued participation in the war,' Kim told This Week in Asia.
Ukrainian forces capture two North Korean soldiers fighting alongside Moscow's forces in Russia's Kursk border region. Photo: Ukrainian Presidential Press Office/AP
A government official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said on Wednesday that North Korean soldiers were South Korean citizens under the South's constitution, which defined all Koreans – whether they lived in the North or South – as citizens of the Republic of Korea.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

3 things to watch ahead of June 3 South Korea presidential vote
3 things to watch ahead of June 3 South Korea presidential vote

Asia Times

time21 hours ago

  • Asia Times

3 things to watch ahead of June 3 South Korea presidential vote

On June 3, 2025, South Koreans will head to the polls to vote for a new president. The election caps a particularly turbulent several months in the country's politics that began with right-wing President Yoon Suk Yeol's declaration of martial law last December. The opposition-controlled National Assembly swiftly moved to rescind Yoon's order and then impeached him just a week later. After months of subsequent trial, during which South Korean society was polarized by public rallies supporting and opposing impeachment, the South Korean Constitutional Court unanimously upheld the impeachment in April. As momentous as the period has been for South Korean politics, it feels like déjà vu from 2017, when a snap presidential election was held following the impeachment of then-President Park Geun-hye. As with that election, there is widespread anticipation that the opposition Democratic Party will win the presidency this time. However, during the two-month-long campaign season, the race has narrowed to a tighter-than-expected contest among the three leading presidential candidates. Here are three key things to look out for as South Koreans head to the polls: As the main opposition party that successfully impeached Yoon, the center-left Democratic Party has been the favorite to come ahead in the election. The party — together with a small grouping of other progressive-leaning parties — quickly unified around Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung. Polls have consistently shown Lee in the lead, though his support has lagged behind public support for Yoon's impeachment. This suggests that even among voters who favor political change, some remain ambivalent about the prospect of a Lee's presidency. In response, Lee's campaign has sought to rebrand his political image. Lee Jae-myung, leader of South Korea's main opposition Democratic Party. Photo: Paul.J / Xinhua Generally regarded as a progressive political figure in favor of policies including a universal basic income and a pro-engagement foreign policy toward North Korea and China, Lee has shifted rightward, recruiting conservative political figures into his campaign and promising pragmatic, business-friendly economic policies. Though, in the past, Lee has made comments critical of past US foreign policy and appeared to suggest South Korea's strategic neutrality in the great power rivalry between Washington and Beijing, in this campaign Lee has reaffirmed his support for the US-South Korea alliance. However, he has continued to encounter skepticism about the authenticity of his political moderation. Lee also faces vulnerabilities due to his ongoing legal trials. In October 2024, a district court convicted him of violating election law by knowingly giving a false statement during a debate and suspended his eligibility for presidential candidacy for five years. Then, in March, an appeals court acquitted Lee, freeing him to campaign in the snap election. However, at the beginning of May, South Korea's Supreme Court overturned the ruling, remanding the case back to the appeals court. With the appeals court postponing the retrial until after the presidential election, Lee's campaign has avoided the risk of being barred from the race. However, controversy continues over whether Lee's trials would be suspended if he wins the presidency. Lee's campaign has asserted that a sitting president cannot be criminally prosecuted, except in cases of treason. But the South Korean Constitution's ambiguity about whether such immunity applies to ongoing trials involving presidential candidates creates political uncertainty for the Democratic Party leader. The party of the now-impeached Yoon, the right-wing People's Power Party, has struggled to thread the needle of keeping Yoon's supporters on board, while reconciling with the majority of South Korean voters who supported his impeachment. This attempt to move on from Yoon's contested legacy was reflected in a bitterly contested party primary to pick his successor. Kim Moon-soo, the former labor minister in Yoon's government who opposed impeachment, was nominated and eventually secured the spot, but not before overcoming an internal upheaval by party leaders who were skeptical of Kim's competitiveness in the general election. Facing an uphill battle, Kim has sought to reframe the election narrative by capitalizing on voters' reservations about Lee. Contrasting himself with Lee's legal allegations, Kim portrayed himself as an uncorrupt, principled candidate with a record as a labor activist during South Korea's military rule in the 1970s and 1980s. However, Kim has continued to struggle to expand support among moderate voters who have criticized his political evolution from a renowned progressive activist to a hard-right political figure with close political ties to the disgraced Yoon. Kim Moon-soo, presidential candidate of the People's Power party. Photo: Korea Herald Though Yoon eventually left the PPP voluntarily, Kim's campaign has continued to walk a tightrope in distancing itself from the impeached former president without alienating Yoon's supporters. Kim's campaign strategy also reflects this tension. In an appeal to swing voters, Kim has pledged the development of regional provinces, increased child care and housing support for young families, and a constitutional amendment to limit presidential powers. But he has continued to keep pro-Yoon figures in his campaign team and has courted support from another impeached president, Park Geun-hye, who retains some support among core conservative voters. Kim's strategy appears to have partially been successful in closing the gap with Lee, though polls show Kim continues to lag by 5 to 10 percentage points. The public dissatisfaction with both major-party candidates has left an opening for the center-right New Reform Party's presidential candidate, Lee Jun-seok. Lee, a 40-year-old legislator, previously served as the PPP's youngest party leader before being ousted by Yoon's faction and subsequently founding his own splinter party. In the presidential race, he has presented himself as the only candidate not tainted by legal liabilities or ties to the impeached president. Lee Jun-seok, a third-party candidate for president who has a significant following. Photo: Wikipedia Lee Jun-seok has sought to burnish his image as a center-right reformer who is committed to conservative policies but rejects the insulated, outdated political culture of the conservative political establishment. Supporting Yoon's impeachment, Lee has also condemned Yoon's unconstitutional abuse of martial law and espousal of election fraud conspiracy theory. During the presidential TV debates, Lee Jun-seok has persistently criticized the two establishment party candidates as unqualified to lead the country. That, along with policies intended to address the concerns of the younger generation, has helped increase his support to around 10% – a meaningful achievement for a third-party candidate, as South Korean law guarantees campaign reimbursement for candidates who receive over 10% of votes. South Korea's election law bans the release of public poll results during the six days leading up to an election. The final batch released before the ban period indicates that though Lee Jae-myung maintains a lead, his support has stagnated in the high 40s. Two factors may impact the final election outcome: First, Kim's campaign has urged Lee Jun-seok to form a unity ticket, citing polls that show the combination of their support equals or even surpasses Lee Jae-myung's. However, Lee Jun-seok has rejected such overtures. Even if he suspends his campaign to endorse Kim, it is unclear whether his supporters would switch their support. Should Lee Jun-seok stay in the race, whether his campaign draws more votes from Lee Jae-myung or Kim could affect the election outcome. The second factor is whether voters are ultimately more motivated by retrospective or prospective judgments. Many South Koreans are receptive to Lee Jae-myung's view that the political party responsible for what many see as Yoon's attempted self-coup should face electoral judgment. However, many also are moved by Kim and Lee Jun-seok's warning that Lee Jae-myung's presidency, despite the latter's reassurances, could result in radical economic and political changes, empowered by the Democratic Party's unchecked control of the executive and legislative branches. For many of the remaining swing voters, it represents a dilemma of choosing the 'lesser of two evils.' Whether they prioritize anger over the past presidency or apprehension of the prospective future president may decide the election. Jong Eun Lee is an assistant professor at North Greenville University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Why Russia may soon shoot more hypersonic Oreshniks at Ukraine
Why Russia may soon shoot more hypersonic Oreshniks at Ukraine

Asia Times

timea day ago

  • Asia Times

Why Russia may soon shoot more hypersonic Oreshniks at Ukraine

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz's revelation that the West has removed all restrictions on the range of weapons it supplies to Ukraine evoked a sense of deja vu from late last year. Russia warned them against doing this at the time, but the moment of truth finally arrived once they defied it. That's when Russian President Vladimir Putin climbed the escalation ladder by authorizing the use of a hitherto top-secret hypersonic medium-range Oreshnik missile against Ukraine. History might therefore be about to repeat itself. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov described the West's reported decision as 'quite dangerous', while Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov assessed that it was evidently 'made quite some time ago and kept under wraps', which aligns with what Merz himself later claimed when clarifying his comments. Nevertheless, this policy has yet to result in any strategically significant attacks, let alone reshape the conflict's dynamics in Ukraine's favor. If that changes, however, Russia might deploy more Oreshniks, enabling more potent attacks on strategic targets. This could happen even in the absence of those two scenario triggers. Trump ominously posted on Tuesday that 'What Vladimir Putin doesn't realize is that if it weren't for me, lots of really bad things would have already happened to Russia, and I mean REALLY BAD. He's playing with fire!' This follows his post about how '[Putin] has gone absolutely CRAZY!', which was analyzed here as proof of him being maliciously misinformed by his trusted advisors and/or him creating the pretext for US escalation. It's therefore clear that Trump is preparing for the possibility that peace talks might soon collapse, in advance of which he's trying to spin a self-serving narrative. By denigrating Putin as 'crazy' and implying that 'bad BAD' might soon happen to Russia, Trump is signaling tacit approval of forthcoming Ukrainian provocations. Other than the use of long-range American missiles against strategic targets, this could take the form of a nationwide assassination-terrorism campaign. It shouldn't be forgotten that Russia blamed Ukraine for the spring 2024 Crocus terrorist attack, accused it of plotting to assassinate Putin during last July's Naval Day parade in St Petersburg and just revealed that a swarm of Ukrainian drones tried to take down his helicopter during last week's visit to Kursk. Moreover, Trump was suspiciously silent after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky implicitly threatened to attack Moscow's Victory Day parade, so it's possible that he might finally 'let Ukraine loose' even if he walks away from the conflict. In the event that Ukraine's long-range Western missiles strike strategically significant targets and/or a nationwide assassination-terrorism campaign is commenced, especially if there's any credible threat to Putin or other senior officials, then Russia might retaliate by dropping more Oreshniks. It's holding back for the time being, apparently to avoid provoking Trump into crossing the Rubicon through the abovementioned means, but it'll have no more reason to remain restrained if he ends up doing that first. All told, Russian-US relations could soon deteriorate depending on what Ukraine does, especially if the Kremlin concludes that it's with a wink and a nod from America. There's no way that Russia won't respond if Ukraine escalates the conflict. This could likely take the form of more Oreshnik strikes, which Trump could in turn exploit as a pretext for further direct US escalation. Step by step, Trump is turning 'Sleepy Joe Biden's War' into his own, exactly as his former advisor Steve Bannon warned him not to do. This article was first published on Andrew Korybko's Substack and is republished with kind permission. Become an Andrew Korybko Newsletter subscriber here.

S Koreans turn out in strength for early voting
S Koreans turn out in strength for early voting

RTHK

timea day ago

  • RTHK

S Koreans turn out in strength for early voting

S Koreans turn out in strength for early voting Long lines form at a polling station in Seoul for the upcoming presidential election. Photo: Reuters Early voting in South Korea's presidential elections kicked off on Thursday, with both main candidates set to cast ballots in a poll triggered by ex-leader Yoon Suk-yeol's ill-fated effort to suspend civilian rule last year. All major polls have placed liberal Lee Jae-myung as the clear frontrunner in the race, with a recent Gallup survey showing 49 percent of respondents viewed him as the best candidate. Trailing behind him is conservative ex-labour minister Kim Moon-soo of the ruling People Power Party – Yoon's former party – at 35 percent. While election day is set for June 3, those who want to vote early can do so on Thursday and Friday – part of an initiative introduce in 2013 to help those unable to cast ballots on polling day or planning to travel. South Koreans have in recent years turned out in larger and larger numbers for early voting, with 37 percent casting their ballots ahead of polling day in the 2022 presidential election. Voting began at 6 am for 12 hours, taking place again on Friday. According to the National Election Commission, as of 9 am the early voting turnout rate was 3.55 percent, the highest record yet for that time in South Korean election history. "Some say power comes from the barrel of a gun, but I believe a vote is more powerful than a bullet," Lee told a rally on Wednesday. According to a Gallup poll, more than half of Lee's supporters said they planned to vote early, compared to just 16 percent of Kim's supporters. Kim has said he will cast his vote in Incheon, west of Seoul, with his campaign framing it as "the beginning of a dramatic turnaround", a nod to General Douglas MacArthur's landing there during the Korean War. Kim's decision to vote early has surprised many on the right, where conspiracy theories about electoral fraud – particularly during early voting – are rife. The 73-year-old however reassured his supporters that there is "nothing to worry about." "If you hesitate to vote early and end up missing the main election, it would be a major loss," said Kim on Wednesday. "Our party will mobilise all its resources to ensure strict monitoring and oversight of early voting," he said. (AFP)

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store