logo
Police fire tear gas on crowds protesting Kenya blogger's death in custody

Police fire tear gas on crowds protesting Kenya blogger's death in custody

Al Jazeera21 hours ago

Protesters took to the streets of Kenya's capital Nairobi to express their fury over the death of a blogger arrested by police last week, as the country's police watchdog reported that 20 people had died in custody over the last four months.
Police used tear gas to disperse crowds gathered close to the capital's parliamentary building on Thursday to protest against the death of Albert Ojwang, a 31-year-old blogger arrested in the western town of Homa Bay last week for criticising the country's deputy police chief Eliud Lagat.
Police had initially said Ojwang died 'after hitting his head against a cell wall', but pathologist Bernard Midia, part of a team that conducted an autopsy, said the wounds – including a head injury, neck compression and soft tissue damage – pointed to assault as the cause of death.
On Wednesday, President William Ruto admitted Ojwang had died 'at the hands of the police', reversing earlier official accounts of his death, saying in a statement that it was 'heartbreaking and unacceptable'.
Kenyan media outlets reported on Thursday that a police constable had been arrested over Ojwang's death.
Reporting from the protests in Nairobi, Al Jazeera's Malcolm Webb said that Ojwang, who wrote about political and social issues, had posted online about Lagat's alleged role in a 'bribery scandal', in which the deputy police chief had already been implicated by a newspaper investigation.
'It's angered people that he was detained for that, and then days later, dead in a police station,' said Webb, who added that people were calling for Lagat to be held to account, and 'persisting in throwing stones at the police in spite of one volley of tear gas after the next being fired at them'.
The case has shone a light on the country's security services, who have been accused of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances for years.
On Thursday, Independent Policing Oversight Authority chairperson Issak Hassan told lawmakers that there had been '20 deaths in police custody in the last four months'.
The authorities are now conducting an official investigation into Ojwang's death.
On Wednesday, Inspector General Douglas Kanja apologised for police having previously implied that Ojwang died by suicide, telling a Senate hearing: 'He did not hit his head against the wall.'
Ojwang's death comes almost a year after several activists and protesters were killed and taken by police during finance bill protests – many are still missing.
The rallies led to calls for the removal of Ruto, who was criticised for the crackdown.
Amnesty International said Ojwang's death in custody on Saturday 'must be urgently, thoroughly and independently investigated'.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Sorry, Mr Gates, your billions won't save Africa
Sorry, Mr Gates, your billions won't save Africa

Al Jazeera

time2 hours ago

  • Al Jazeera

Sorry, Mr Gates, your billions won't save Africa

On June 2 while addressing an audience in the Nelson Mandela Hall at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Bill Gates – the world's second richest person and co-chairman of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation – announced that a significant portion of his nearly $200bn fortune would be directed towards improving primary healthcare and education across Africa over the next two decades. This extraordinary philanthropic pledge is expected to fulfil a commitment he made on May 8 to donate 'virtually all' of his wealth before the Gates Foundation permanently closes on December 31, 2045. Former Mozambique first lady Graca Machel, a renowned humanitarian and global advocate for women's and children's rights, attended the event and welcomed the announcement. Describing the continent's current situation as at a 'moment of crisis', she declared: 'We are counting on Mr Gates's steadfast commitment to continue walking this path of transformation alongside us.' The Gates Foundation has operated in Africa for more than two decades, primarily in Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal and South Africa. Over the years, it has funded a range of programmes in areas such as nutrition, healthcare, agriculture, water and sanitation, gender equality and financial inclusion. In agriculture alone, it has spent about $6bn on development initiatives. Despite this substantial investment, the foundation's efforts have been the subject of widespread criticism both in Africa and internationally. In particular, serious concerns have been raised about the effectiveness and long-term sustainability of the foundation's agricultural interventions – especially the Green Revolution model it has promoted through AGRA, the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa. Co-founded in 2006 by the Rockefeller and Gates foundations, AGRA aimed to improve food security and reduce poverty for 30 million smallholder households in 11 sub-Saharan African countries by 2021. Nineteen years on, the agricultural transformation Gates envisioned – driven by American capital and know-how – has failed to materialise. Experts argue that the Green Revolution model has not only fallen short on alleviating hunger and poverty but may in fact also be exacerbating both. Problems commonly cited include rising farmer debt, increased pesticide use, environmental degradation, declining crop diversity and a growing corporate stranglehold over Africa's food systems. The limitations of Gates's agricultural ambitions are, arguably, unsurprising. The model is rooted in the American Green Revolution of the 1940s and 1950s – a technological shift linked to settler-colonial agricultural systems and racialised power structures. Gates's philanthropic ideology, shaped by this legacy, risks reproducing systems of dependency and ownership in the Global South. At the core of the Green Revolution, past and present, is a belief in the supremacy of Western science and innovation. This worldview justifies the transfer of proprietary technologies to developing countries while simultaneously devaluing local knowledge systems and Indigenous expertise. Despite its rhetorical commitment to equity, the Gates Foundation often prioritises and financially benefits researchers, pharmaceutical firms and agritech corporations in the West far more than the smallholder farmers and local specialists it claims to serve. Kenyan agroecologist Celestine Otieno has described this model as 'food slavery' and a 'second phase of colonisation'. Meanwhile, the foundation's global health programmes have also drawn criticism for promoting technical, apolitical solutions that ignore the deeply rooted historical and political determinants of health inequity. Just as troubling is the fact that many of these interventions are implemented in poor communities with minimal transparency or local accountability. As Gwilym David Blunt, a political philosopher and lecturer in international politics, notes, transnational philanthropy – exemplified by the Gates Foundation – grants the ultra-wealthy disproportionate power over public priorities. This undermines the principle of autonomy that undergirds any vision of distributive global justice, including the right of Africans to shape their own futures. All of the African countries working with the Gates Foundation continue to face the enduring problems associated with foreign-designed economic interventions and chronic dependence on aid. South Africa, Ethiopia, Kenya and Nigeria, for instance, are all contending with the fallout from United States President Donald Trump's cuts to the US Agency for International Development. Still, Gates's philanthropy is only one piece of a much larger, more entrenched problem. No amount of aid can compensate for the absence of visionary, ethical and accountable leadership – or the political instability that plagues parts of the continent. In this vacuum, figures like Gates step in. But these interventions can be politically expedient and risk concealing deeper systemic dysfunction. On June 1, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed awarded Gates the Grand Order of Merit of Ethiopia in recognition of the foundation's 25 years of contributions to the country. Yet even Gates would likely acknowledge that Ethiopia remains mired in corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency and persistent mismanagement of public funds. Abiy's nationalist rhetoric and disastrous internal policies helped trigger a 2020–2022 civil war, which claimed the lives of up to 600,000 people. Although the conflict formally ended in November 2022, Amnesty International has reported that millions still await justice. Human rights violations remain widespread with little accountability for atrocities committed in Tigray and Oromia. Despite overwhelming evidence, Abiy continues to deny any wrongdoing by his military, insisting in parliament that his forces have not committed war crimes. Such claims only underscore the deep crisis of leadership Ethiopia faces. What Ethiopia – and many other African states – urgently need is not another influx of Western money but a radical overhaul of governance. Indeed, Gates's contributions may paradoxically help prop up the very systems of impunity and dysfunction that block meaningful progress. This is why Machel's response to Gates's announcement was so disappointing. Rather than celebrating the promise of more Western aid, she could have used the moment to speak frankly about Africa's deeper crisis: corrupt, extractive and unaccountable leadership. Her suggestion that Africans should rely indefinitely on foreign benevolence is not only misguided – it also reinforces the very power dynamics that philanthropy claims to disrupt. Yes, Gates's decision to donate most of his fortune to Africa is, of course, admirable. But as an outsider immersed in the logic of 'white saviourism' and 'philanthrocapitalism', he cannot fix a continent's self-inflicted wounds. No foreign billionaire can. Only Africans – through transparent, courageous and locally driven leadership – can. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.

Kenya police officer arrested over blogger's death in custody
Kenya police officer arrested over blogger's death in custody

Al Jazeera

time4 hours ago

  • Al Jazeera

Kenya police officer arrested over blogger's death in custody

A Kenyan police officer has been arrested in connection with the death of Albert Ojwang, a political blogger who died in police custody, in a case that has reignited anger over police abuse and triggered street protests in Nairobi. Police spokesperson Michael Muchiri said on Friday that a constable had been taken into custody, the AFP news agency reported. He did not give further information, referring queries to the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), which is leading the investigation. There was no immediate comment from the IPOA. Ojwang, 31, was declared dead on Sunday, two days after his arrest in the town of Homa Bay in western Kenya for allegedly criticising the country's deputy police chief Eliud Lagat. The police initially claimed Ojwang fatally injured himself by banging his head against a cell wall, but an autopsy revealed injuries that pathologists said were 'unlikely to be self-inflicted'. The government's own pathologist found signs of blunt force trauma, neck compression and soft tissue injuries, suggesting an assault. Independent pathologist Bernard Midia, who assisted with the post-mortem, also ruled out suicide. Amid growing pressure, President William Ruto on Wednesday said Ojwang had died 'at the hands of the police', reversing earlier official accounts of his death. The incident has added fuel to longstanding allegations of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in Kenya, particularly following last year's antigovernment demonstrations. Rights groups say dozens were unlawfully detained after the protests, with some still unaccounted for. Earlier this week, five officers were suspended to allow for what the police described as a 'transparent' inquiry. On Thursday, protesters flooded the streets of the capital, waving Kenyan flags and chanting 'Lagat must go', demanding the resignation of the senior police official Ojwang had criticised. Ruto on Friday pledged swift action and said that his administration would 'protect citizens from rogue police officers'. While Ruto has repeatedly promised to end enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, human rights groups accuse his government of shielding security agencies from accountability. According to IPOA, 20 people have died in police custody in just the past four months. The death of Ojwang, a vocal online critic, has become a symbol of growing public frustration with unchecked police power. International pressure is mounting, with both the United States and European Union calling for a transparent and independent investigation into Ojwang's death.

Why have anti-immigration riots broken out in Northern Ireland?
Why have anti-immigration riots broken out in Northern Ireland?

Al Jazeera

time9 hours ago

  • Al Jazeera

Why have anti-immigration riots broken out in Northern Ireland?

Anti-immigration protests have escalated into clashes with police in several towns in Northern Ireland this week, marking a new wave of unrest to hit the United Kingdom. Disorder in towns across the region continued for a fourth night on Thursday. In Portadown, County Armagh, a crowd used bricks and masonry from a derelict building to throw at police. About 40 officers have been injured, and 15 arrests have been made. Protests began in Ballymena, a town of about 31,000 people located 40km (25 miles) northwest of the city of Belfast, on Monday when two Romanian 14-year-old boys were arrested on suspicion of sexually assaulting a teenage girl. The most intense violence took place on Tuesday in Ballymena, when hundreds of masked rioters attacked police and set buildings and cars on fire. A smaller crowd threw rocks, fireworks and petrol bombs at police on Wednesday, as police officers responded with water cannon. Masked rioters also set fire to a leisure centre in Larne, about 30km (19 miles) away from Ballymena, on the coast, where some immigrant families had been given shelter following the unrest in Ballymena. Violence also spilled over to the cities of Belfast, Coleraine, Newtownabbey, Carrickfergus, Antrim and Lisburn. Riots in Ballymena erupted after the Romanian teenagers appeared in Coleraine Magistrates' Court on Monday on sexual assault charges, which they denied. A Facebook post advertised a 'peaceful protest to show our anger at what cannot and will not be tolerated in this town'. The planned gathering began in Ballymena at 7:30pm (18:30 GMT). A crowd assembled at Clonavon Terrace in the town, where the alleged assault had taken place, and police officers presided over a largely peaceful demonstration. Police said several masked individuals later broke away from the group and began erecting barricades and attacking private properties housing immigrants. They also attacked police officers with smoke bombs, fireworks, bottles and bricks, leading to clashes which have continued for several days since. Some residents placed UK flags or signs in their windows reading 'British household' and 'locals live here' in a bid to avoid being targeted. Sky News reported seeing ethnic minority residents of the town 'packing up suitcases and leaving their homes'. One mother of two, Mika Kolev, told the BBC her home had been damaged by rioters on Tuesday night. She said she intended to leave her home with her family and is considering moving back to Bulgaria. 'This is my house, I pay rent,' she said. 'I feel like this is my country, this is my city. My daughter was born here. It's very scary.' The identity of the hundreds of people – many masked and hooded – who attacked immigrant households and businesses was not immediately clear. In the past, this sort of violence has usually taken place in towns like Ballymena, which are a stronghold of UK unionism. However, there were media reports that Catholics had also joined the protests this time. Northern Ireland endured decades of conflict between unionists – largely Protestants who want it to remain within the UK – and nationalists – primarily Catholics who wanted to reunite with the rest of Ireland. Paramilitary groups played a significant role in the sectarian conflict known as the Troubles, which lasted for about 30 years from the late 1960s to 1998, when the Good Friday Agreement established a power-sharing arrangement. The agreement, however, has faced opposition from some unionist groups, and some grievances remain unresolved. 'Some working-class unionist areas feel as if they've lost out during the peace process,' sociologist John Nagle, who lectures at Queen's University in Belfast, told Al Jazeera. 'I think the sort of grievances about the peace process are being grafted onto the wider concerns about immigration.' The Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) said at this stage there was no evidence of unionist paramilitary involvement in the recent violence in the town. However, a report published last month by the independent human rights group Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) points to a connection. The study, titled Mapping Far Right Activity Online in Northern Ireland, analysed seven incidents of anti-immigrant protests that have taken place in Northern Ireland since 2023. Daniel Holder, the organisation's director, said the latest unrest followed a 'fairly familiar pattern'. 'What we noticed … is that they're all being called and taking place in areas where there is significant loyalist activity,' and are featuring a 'degree of paramilitary control', he told Al Jazeera. Holder also said such riots have mostly taken place during the summer, coinciding with the loyalist marching season, a tradition among Protestant and Loyalist communities that runs from Easter Monday to September. He struck a note of caution over accounts suggesting the involvement of Catholic nationalists in the unionist stronghold of Ballymena and said the notion of a broader 'coming together' of the two historic rivals was unlikely. Immigration appears to be the main concern for protesters. Since 2015, more than 1,800 Syrian refugees have been settled in Northern Ireland via the Syrian Vulnerable Persons Resettlement Scheme, which was renamed the Vulnerable Persons Relocation Scheme (NIRRS) in 2020. General immigration has been on the rise as well. Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) assembly member Paul Frew told the BBC that tensions over this have been rising for some time in Ballymena and people were 'frightened about illegal immigration'. Anger about austerity policies – and the retraction of welfare programmes – since the global financial crisis of 2008 has compounded concerns about immigration. Grievances over poor housing conditions and housing shortages, in particular, have been used to scapegoat migrants and to favour a narrative of 'mass uncontrolled migration that simply is not factually true', Holder said. The CAJ report, he said, found no clear correlation between the areas where violence has flared up in Northern Ireland since 2023 and poverty rates or high immigration rates. 'When you look at the pattern of where attacks are taking place, they're not in the most deprived areas,' Holder said. 'What this points to is that attacks involve particular far-right elements, including some elements of loyalist paramilitary organisations, rather than this being tied to either migration levels or deprivation.' Official figures from the Northern Ireland Assembly show that it is the least diverse part of the UK, with 3.4 percent of the population identifying as part of a minority ethnic group, compared with 18.3 percent in England and Wales and 12.9 percent in Scotland. According to the most recent census data in 2021, immigration to Northern Ireland is relatively low, but it is rising. The percentage of the population born outside of the UK rose from 6.5 percent in 2011 to 8.6 percent in 2021. Some ministers have been accused of fanning the flames of unrest. Several ministers condemned the violence in strong terms. First Minister Michelle O'Neill said the 'racist and sectarian attacks on families' were 'abhorrent and must stop immediately'. Finance Minister John O'Dowd described the attackers as 'racist thugs', while Justice Minister Naomi Long said the violence was 'completely unjustified and unjustifiable'. Chief Constable Jon Boutcher, who leads the Police Service of Northern Ireland, said, 'Hate-fuelled acts and mob rule do nothing but tear at the fabric of our society.' On Thursday, Communities Minister Gordon Lyons rejected calls for him to resign over a social media post in which he revealed the location of the leisure centre in Larne that was later attacked. Tyler Hoey, a Democratic Unionist Party councillor and local representative, condemned the violence but also accused the UK government of taking 'busloads' of unvetted migrants to the area. Sociologist John Nagle, who lectures at Queen's University in Belfast, told Al Jazeera that several unionist politicians condemned the riots while repeating the unfounded claim that Ballymena had become 'a dumping ground' for migrants. 'Although the government has quickly come out to denounce the protests, to some extent that has been caveated by some politicians who are trying to use this as a way to highlight their opposition towards migration and refugees,' Nagle said. Sociologist Ruth McAreavey, who lectures at Newcastle University, said general surveys show that Northern Ireland has become more welcoming towards migrants over time and less likely to want to see reduced levels of immigration. The Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey found that 94 percent of respondents in 2024 said they would be willing to accept a person from a minority ethnic group in their area, compared with only 53 percent who said they would feel comfortable in 2005. However, McAreavey said fast-paced demographic changes have taken place within a 'socially conservative place' as it navigates global economic upheavals, including the decline of its predominantly industrial economy, most notably in the shipbuilding and textile sectors. 'There is a level of discontent that people are taking to the streets,' McAreavey said, adding that this was compounded by austerity measures that rolled back the welfare state. 'The lack of those resources does not help for the incorporation of different social groups into society and to help achieve social cohesion,' she said. 'People feel they're not in control and things are happening to them, as opposed to a more natural, organic change.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store