California Gov. Newsom mandates 4 in-office days per week for state workers beginning July 1
SACRAMENTO — California Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday issued an executive order mandating all state workers to work in office at least four days a week beginning July 1, 2025.
The new hybrid work model applies to all state agencies and departments — more than 224,000 full-time employees — and aims to improve collaboration and communication, enhance mentorship and knowledge-sharing, strengthen oversight and accountability, and deliver better services to citizens of the state, the Governor's Office said.
Further remote-working requests would be granted on a case-by-case basis "consistent with the executive order and existing family-friendly employment policies and legal obligations," Newsom's office said.
Independent offices including those of the lieutenant governor, attorney general, secretary of state, state controller, superintendent of public instruction, treasurer, and insurance commissioner have been "strongly encouraged" by the state to implement the new hybrid work model to improve operations.
Since June 17, 2024, state workers have been operating under a hybrid work model that required two in-office days per week.
In announcing the new mandate, Gov. Newsom said:
"State employees are the backbone of our government, and we are blessed in California with public servants who devote their time and talents to the smooth operation of critical services and public infrastructure. In-person work makes us all stronger — period. When we work together, collaboration improves, innovation thrives, and accountability increases. That means better service, better solutions, and better results for Californians, while still allowing flexibility."
Under the governor's order, CalHR will also seek to hire former federal employees for state jobs such as firefighting, weather forecasting and forest management in an effort to address employment needs and strengthen California's emergency
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Yahoo
32 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Marines arrive in LA under Trump orders as protests spread to other cities
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Atlantic
36 minutes ago
- Atlantic
This Is Not What the National Guard Is For
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Trump's decision—to exercise his Title 10 authority to federalize the National Guard under his command—was not based on a careful assessment of the operational needs on the streets of Los Angeles. Even if the White House's escalating rhetoric and threats of full military deployment were justified by circumstances that merited overruling a governor, the notion that the armed services will stop protests and quiet widespread outrage about Trump's immigration-enforcement policies in California is naive and flawed. Implicated in Trump's decision was a lot of prior controversy—immigration and deportation, ICE raids, tension between blue states and the White House, a personal beef with Newsom—but the president's assertion that a troop presence is the answer to public unrest is particularly dubious. Historically, these deployments have proved of limited value even when the president and governor agree on goals. Sending in the military as a hostile force is a recipe for trouble. During the 1992 L.A. riots, after four white police officers were acquitted of assaulting Rodney King, 63 people were killed amid widespread arson and looting as rioting spread through the city. In 2005, Hurricane Katrina killed nearly 1,000 people in Louisiana and left New Orleans with no functioning government and little law enforcement. In each case, National Guard deployment was essentially a response to the incapacity of the local police force—either because the cops had become the focus of hostility or because they simply could not meet the demands of the crisis. And in both instances, the governor requested the federal intervention. David Frum: For Trump, this is a dress rehearsal One key lesson of the L.A. deployment was that a failure to define command-and-control responsibilities resulted in operational problems and delays. The National Guard under Governor Pete Wilson's authority was supposed to protect first responders (especially firefighters) and emergency work crews trying to fix critical infrastructure. Trained to help with crowd control, these troops also supported police patrols—to protect shopping centers from looting, for example. The soldiers' initial deployment was slow, and they were not fully prepared for the mission. But in the days that followed, the rioting subsided and the National Guard was able to perform much of its mission and provide relief to the overstretched police forces. By then, however, Wilson had lost confidence in the National Guard's leadership and was unnerved by the scale of disorder. He asked the White House for help, and President George H. W. Bush sent in 3,500 federalized troops. Despite deploying in a less demanding situation, these federalized soldiers were unable to provide the effective support required on the ground. 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The National Guard exists to provide governors with additional power to protect their citizens, and to do so in support of local first responders. Trump's hasty federalization of troops is unwise and unhelpful, before we even consider what malign political motive may lie behind the order. Right now, the Pentagon appears not even to have arranged sleeping arrangements for its troops, let alone determined the rules of engagement on the streets; the San Francisco Chronicle reports that the deployment was so 'wildly underprepared' that troops are sleeping in cramped quarters on the floor. At best, this deployment will be completely unnecessary. At worst, it will be deeply counterproductive. But Trump's motive is transparent—and he will surely engineer an occasion to keep escalating his power plays, until they seem normal.
Business Journals
37 minutes ago
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Daily Digest: End of an era at Fisherman's Wharf, Scale AI eyes record funding from Meta
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