
Only courts can deal with Thaksin
The rally at the Victory Monument on Saturday to demand the resignation of Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra resembled the so-called "Bangkok Shutdown" held in 2014 by the People's Democratic Reform Committee to demand the ouster of the government of then prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra, Ms Paetongtarn's aunt.
The size of the crowd was stunning, estimated by the police in the tens of thousands. It was bigger than the rallies held by the "three-finger" movement during the rule of Gen Prayuth Chan-o-cha following the coup that ousted the Yingluck administration.
The head bands, wrist bands and ribbons bearing the tri-colour of the Thai national flag which appeared at the event also recall the atmosphere and sentiments of the mass rallies over a decade ago.
Many of the protesters are politically literate and working people. Several of the protest leaders are from the same group who spearheaded the protests against Yingluck over a decade ago and her brother, former prime minister Thaksin, about two decades ago.
Sonthi Limthongkul, a group leader behind Saturday's protest and owner of the Manager media group, told the crowd he led the protest against Thaksin about two decades ago and didn't expect to be actively involved in a protest now against his daughter, Ms Paetongtarn.
Regardless of all the deja-vu, the collective frustration and resentment among countless Thais against Ms Paetongtarn and Thaksin would not have reached the point that drove them to take to the streets at the Victory Monument without the blessing in disguise delivered by Cambodian strongman Hun Sen, a close friend of the Shinawatra family and now Thailand's Number One enemy.
Hun Sen is thought to have deliberately leaked the private conversation between him and Ms Paetongtarn to senior Cambodian officials which eventually went viral on Thai social media. It was the last straw among many Thais, already chafing under Ms Paetongtarn's premiership.
Some of her remarks revealed a truth that many people have known all along about her, except for the "Yes" men and women in the Pheu Thai Party. That is she is completely unfit to lead Thailand as the head of the executive branch because of her immaturity, inexperience, political illiteracy and lack of knowledge.
Yet she appears not to realise she lacks the depth needed to be the country's leader. Her flimsy claim that the conversation with Hun Sen in which she offered to do anything he wanted regarding the Cambodia border dispute was a mere negotiating tactic is infantile. It was like a confrontation between a lamb and a fox.
It is an open fact the Pheu Thai is dictated and controlled by Thaksin which is a violation of the Political Parties Act. But pitifully, the Election Commission has turned into a lap dog that does not even dare to bark at Thaksin.
If the "Bangkok Shutdown" protest taught Thais any lesson, it is that street protests, no matter the size of the crowd or how long they take, will not succeed in forcing a stubborn leader to step down.
She will not step down because that is untypical of Thaksin's style: his signature style is to fight to the end.
One alternative is the remaining coalition parties might jump ship, which is not likely either as all appear to enjoy the benefits that come with their cabinet seats.
The only likely political change is through the courts of law which may take time and patience. Any suggestion of a coup to force a regime change is suicidal for the plotters and harmful to the country as a whole.
A coup will be condemned worldwide and Thailand may face sanctions from the international community, particularly in the wake of pending trade talks with the US over the reciprocal tariffs imposed by the Trump administration.
We can look forward to tomorrow, when the Constitutional Court will decide whether to accept for consideration a petition filed by a group of senators asking the court to strip Ms Paetongtarn of her premiership over the leaked conversation between her and Hun Sen which they deem a serious breach of national security.
If the case is accepted for consideration, the court can choose to suspend her from her duty as prime minister. If that is the case, a new prime minister must be found.
Once again, it will be a candidate put forward by the Pheu Thai Party and another proxy of Thaksin's.
Hence, the vicious cycle of Thai politics, with Thaksin still looming large in the background and pulling strings from behind.
Unless, of course, Thaksin is put behind bars to serve the one-year jail term that he has dodged.
July will be a decisive month for Thaksin as the Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Political Office Holders also hold hearings to determine whether the jail sentence handed down on Thaksin for three corruption convictions was enforced by the Corrections Department or not.
Or, Hun Sen could drop another damning bombshell against Thaksin if he has anything else up his sleeve.
With the Paetongtarn administration in a shaky position, even with a new cabinet lineup pending which is likely just old wine in a new bottle, the only logical alternative is for the House to be dissolved to return democracy to the people.
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Bangkok Post
2 hours ago
- Bangkok Post
Govt girds for battle
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There are no more insincere partners or internal obstacles," the source said. "Many issues can now progress more smoothly. For example, we have long opposed the cannabis decriminalisation policy, but we were unable to act because of coalition constraints. Now, we are free to implement our policies as planned." Opposition pressure Despite some internal relief, the Pheu Thai-led government is bracing for severe external challenges. The most immediate concern is obstructive tactics from the opposition, which is expected to contest nearly every legislative initiative. "We're already seeing signs of this, such as the anticipated motion for a no-confidence debate," the party source said. "This is only the beginning." In addition, uncertainty surrounds the cohesion of the newly restructured coalition. Without Bhumjaithai, the remaining coalition parties will need to prove their unity and ability to cooperate effectively. "There are doubts about how well the new partners can communicate or maintain alignment. If internal rifts emerge, it could further weaken the government," the source warned. Beyond the lower house, the administration also expects big hurdles in the Senate. Any legislation requiring bicameral approval may face delays or outright rejection. "In the months ahead, any matter requiring passage through parliament or endorsement by the Senate is likely to encounter serious resistance," the source said. Senate resistance expected The most pressing issue facing the administration is the passage of the fiscal year 2026 budget bill. While Pheu Thai is confident it can secure approval in the House of Representatives, concerns remain over its fate in the Senate. "If the Senate, which remains largely aligned with the blue bloc, chooses to reject the bill and sends it back to the House, we will reaffirm our stance and resubmit it," a party source explained. The so-called "blue" bloc, a reference to Bhumjaithai, is said to be the largest by far of the three factions in the Upper House. The source said such a move by the Senate would draw public scrutiny, as the national budget is a matter of public interest. "We believe the Senate would hesitate to block the bill outright. But if they do, we will turn to the public and rely on civil pressure to respond to such an unprecedented act." Beyond the budget bill, concerns loom large over the broader legislative agenda. Sources in Pheu Thai say nearly all proposed legislation -- whether minor or major -- now faces heightened scrutiny and the possibility of obstruction. "Even small bills are cause for concern. As for more contentious proposals, such as the Entertainment Complex project, we expect fierce opposition," the source said. The government now anticipates a more cautious and disciplined approach to parliamentary work. 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The source expressed concern over potential court rulings that may suspend Ms Paetongtarn from her duties, particularly over the leaked audio clip. "Such a development would unquestionably damage the government's credibility. Even with an acting prime minister, the perception of instability would take a toll." Under such uncertainty, the government may be unable to implement key policies, weakening its effectiveness and public confidence. "It would be like governing without a real prime minister. The country would suffer. Public support would waver. Protests might gain traction. The government's immunity to political pressure would collapse, opening the door to further crises." Chaikasem as successor? Should the government prove unable to proceed, a House dissolution may be the only viable exit. A decisive factor could be adverse rulings from independent institutions. "In the worst-case scenario, if the prime minister is removed from office and coalition partners decide to continue governing, the only acceptable successor from within Pheu Thai would be Chaikasem Nitisiri," the source said. Mr Chaikasem, is the third and final prime ministerial candidate of Pheu Thai. With Srettha Thavisin already having been removed from office and Ms Paetongtarn facing a similar risk of being ousted, with several petitions seeking her removal pending, the only option for Pheu Thai appears to be Mr Chaikasem, who will turn 77 in August. "There would be no support for appointing a prime minister from another party. If that option fails, then a House dissolution would be inevitable," the source said. Thanaporn Sriyakul, director of the Institute for Political and Policy Analysis, has outlined key threats facing the Pheu Thai-led government following Bhumjaithai Party's withdrawal from the coalition. "The most visible and immediate threat is legal warfare," he said. "This is largely driven by senators who, under the constitution, have broad authority to scrutinise the prime minister and the cabinet on virtually any matter." He highlighted the controversy surrounding Ms Paetongtarn's conversation with Hun Sen as the gravest current issue. Mr Thanaporn has raised additional concerns regarding Bhumjaithai's potential political manoeuvring following its withdrawal from the coalition. He warned that the party may not only seek to recruit MPs ahead of future elections but also engage in strategic short-term "vote-swaying" tactics. "It's not just about attracting MPs to join the party formally for the next election," he said. "We must also consider the possibility of temporary alignments -- such as during a no-confidence debate." He suggested that unexpected absences or coordinated withdrawals of MPs during crucial votes could significantly destabilise the coalition government. 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Bangkok Post
3 hours ago
- Bangkok Post
Thai-US tariff talks start on Thursday in Washington
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Bangkok Post
3 hours ago
- Bangkok Post
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