
The Islamist militant
As Africa's Sahel region has replaced the Middle East as the epicenter of jihadism, young men are flocking to the cause. They don't always like what they find.
NIAMEY, Niger — As Islamist extremist groups have wrested large swaths of territory from government control in the Sahel, young men have streamed into their ranks, often compelled more by economic desperation than ideology.
Ibrahim, a soft-spoken Nigerien in his 20s, joined the local al-Qaeda affiliate after bandits sacked his village, leaving him with few prospects, and the sense of adventure and fellowship he found among the militants helped keep him fighting by their side, even as he grew increasingly troubled by the group's brutality.
'In the army, if there is a battle and soldiers win, then they are happy. It was like that for us,' he said. 'I was with my friends, and it was joy.'
Ibrahim was relaxing with his comrades over mint tea when he was summoned to his first mission. A messenger had arrived on motorcycle with an order from their commander. Trucks hauling cargo considered 'haram,' or forbidden by Islamic law, had been spotted. They had to be intercepted.
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Ibrahim, then 25, recalled rushing to grab his Kalashnikov rifle and keys for the Toyota pickup. Other fighters piled in. Behind the wheel, he followed another pickup and two motorcycles, racing along desert backroads in Mali's Timbuktu region and stopping only when he saw about half a dozen white trucks on the horizon.
Three gunmen descended from his truck and opened fire. He was so nervous that his hands would not stop trembling. He figured death was imminent.
But the drivers surrendered, and Ibrahim was instructed to take them to a bigger road where they could hitchhike to safety. Senior fighters looted the cargo.
Over the following two years, Ibrahim would grow even more active in Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin, or the Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims. But as he got in deeper, the group's savagery and lethal competition with fellow jihadists in the rival Islamic State affiliate would leave him torn about whether to remain or defect.
Ibrahim, left, reads religious texts with a friend who said he was in the Islamic State affiliate. Ibrahim's religious beliefs hardened after he joined Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin.
Up in flames
Islam has been the dominant religion in the Sahel for centuries, brought to the region by traders from North Africa and the Middle East. Some of the countries, like Niger, are nearly entirely Muslim, and the type of Islam practiced in the region is traditionally moderate.
Ibrahim grew up at a time when his village, in Niger's far west near its porous borders with Mali and Burkina Faso, was peaceful; its tree-lined streets would come alive at night with music playing on radios.
Islamist extremism, however, was beginning to spill into Niger as militants who had first targeted Mali turned their sights on its neighbors. By the mid-2010s, extremists on motorcycles had arrived in Ibrahim's area, ordering locals to turn off their music and women to wear hijabs, or Islamic headscarves.
Ibrahim, who spoke on the condition that only his first name be used out of fear for his security, turned to the extremists only after concluding he had few other options.
A year before he joined them, the bandits had raided his village. He had hidden in the elementary school and called a friend in the Nigerien military begging for help. By the time Nigerien soldiers finally responded to Ibrahim's plea, the family's car and his father's general store had been burned.
Ibrahim determined there was no longer a way to make a living in the village. He soon packed his bags, left his wife and young son and headed to Mali to seek work in the gold mines.
Ibrahim left Niger to seek work in the gold mines in Mali.
Underground economy
Ibrahim said he hadn't known that some gold mines in Mali's Gao region were partly controlled by Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin, or JNIM. But when he arrived in 2021, he recognized some of the men carrying Kalashnikovs. He used to play soccer with them around his village.
The local leader persuaded Ibrahim that joining the al-Qaeda affiliate would mean more money. The only requirement, he said, was reading the Quran daily.
Ibrahim signed on as a driver. He moved in with the group's members next to a mine at Tinaykaren, before shifting a few months later to N'tahaka, a far larger mining site.
About 200 JNIM members resided in structures of wood and plastic tarp beside the mines, where they controlled some of the tunnels, Ibrahim recounted. He said a team of six miners could gross up to $3,000 in a good week, though a JNIM leader would take half of the earnings. That leader would at times hand out cash gifts ranging from $150 to $500. Ibrahim bought himself an Android cellphone and sent money home frequently to his family.
Ibrahim had always considered himself a religious Muslim, praying five times a day and never touching alcohol, but his beliefs hardened. He came to believe that strict Islamic laws should replace those enacted by governments. He erased French rap music from his phone and downloaded apps to read the Quran and other Muslim writings. If he didn't have time to study the Quran, he said, he'd read a few chapters as he worked in the tunnels, sometimes more than 300 feet underground.
Most of their missions, he said, involved handing out Qurans in nearby villages and ensuring that sharia law was being followed. In some places, they collected zakat, or religious taxes. When trucks carrying cargo considered haram passed through their area, the fighters were ordered to intercept them. The strongest fighters carried out attacks against the Malian military and the Islamic State affiliate.
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Opening fire
The first time that Ibrahim fired his rifle in anger came shortly after his first mission. His team had set up a checkpoint on the road connecting the city of Gao with the Malian capital, Bamako.
As a small convoy of trucks came across the horizon and approached, Ibrahim and his fellow fighters opened fire. This time, the trucks didn't stop.
Ibrahim felt his body jerk backward as he repeatedly discharged his rifle. He saw the first truck topple over after the driver was hit. Then the drivers of the second and third trucks were struck, slumping forward in their seats.
When the shooting stopped, the team's leaders instructed the fighters to burn the trucks and bury the victims. Ibrahim said he believes there were four. He recited brief prayers over the bodies.
Ibrahim, center, with two friends in Niamey. Ibrahim with his friends.
Turning on each other
Sometime later, militants from the local Islamic State affiliate carried out an ambush against Ibrahim's fellow fighters in JNIM. When word got back, Ibrahim and dozens of others rushed to grab their guns. He jumped into the Toyota pickup and raced to the battle site, this time along with two other trucks and about 40 motorcycles.
Ibrahim focused on firing his rifle and saw men on the other side fall. Then he heard a scream. Behind a dune less than two dozen feet away, one of his comrades had been shot in the head and stomach.
Ibrahim kept firing, later comparing the fighters to soccer players who cannot stop for an injured teammate.
The battle ended after less than an hour. The JNIM team buried five of its members, and estimated they had killed 15 men on the other side.
The fighting troubled Ibrahim. Both sides said their cause was Islam, to install God's law. They should have been targeting the nonbelievers in the military and the government. Instead, they were killing each other.
'Together,' he lamented, 'we would have been invincible.'
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An execution
Ibrahim was patrolling with his team outside a village one day when his commander spotted a woman collecting wood for cooking without a hijab to cover her hair. They had seen the same woman a few weeks before, Ibrahim said, and had given her a warning and money for a hijab. But she had not listened.
His commander pulled out his gun. Ibrahim and a few other team members pleaded with him to reconsider. The woman screamed and cried, pleading for her life and another chance. The commander pulled the trigger.
Afterward, Ibrahim said, he could not sleep. He said he knew that the Quran forbids hurting women and children. He thought of his own sisters and mother, who didn't always wear their hijabs.
Within a month, he would get a call from a family friend urging him to come back to Niger.
Ibrahim eventually returned to Niger.
Temptation returns
One afternoon, Ibrahim and a half-dozen others who had defected from the militants gathered in a house on the outskirts of Niamey. They took turns playing voice messages they still received from friends in Islamist militant groups.
'Come back,' said one JNIM member. 'Why are you wasting your time?'
Ibrahim had returned to Niger after hearing about a program that aimed to reintegrate former fighters into society. But funding soon ran short. Plans to train and integrate the men grew unclear. Jobless, the men could afford to eat just one meal a day.
Ibrahim said dozens of men who had been part of the program left, and he suspected many were back with JNIM.
Ibrahim was tempted to join them.
As the sun set on a warm night, he took a drag on a cigarette and said he had tried to have patience. Then he shrugged. 'But patience has its limits.'
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9 hours ago
Iranian rapper Tataloo once supported a hard-line presidential candidate. Now he faces execution
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Washington Post
10 hours ago
- Washington Post
A powerful, opaque al-Qaeda affiliate is rampaging across West Africa
TUMU, Ghana — In the space of just a few months, the al-Qaeda affiliate has overrun major cities in Burkina Faso and Mali, carried out the deadliest-ever attack on soldiers in Benin and expanded its hard-line Islamist rule across the region. No one knows when its fighters will strike next — or where they plan to stop. After years spent quietly gaining strength, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) is now the most well-armed militant force in West Africa and among the most powerful in the world, according to regional and Western officials, with as many as 6,000 fighters under its command. Local strategies employed to combat JNIM are accelerating its rise, officials and experts say, as atrocities by West African forces have allowed the group to claim the moral high ground and legitimize its growing authority. The United States has largely pulled back from — or been pushed out — of the fight, leaving in its wake a deepening security vacuum and mounting anxiety over JNIM's aims and capabilities. 'They're creating a proto-state that stretches like a belt from western Mali all the way to the borderlands of Benin. … It is a substantial — even exponential — expansion,' said Héni Nsaibia, West Africa senior analyst for the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data project, or ACLED, a nonprofit research group. JNIM, along with the rival Islamic State-Sahel Province, has turned the region into an epicenter of Islamist insurgency. The Institute for Economics & Peace's annual index last year found 51 percent of terrorism deaths worldwide were in the Sahel, a vast, tumultuous region south of the Sahara that spans the breadth of Africa. The chaos ravaging the region has helped military officers seize power in coups — vowing to break with the West and restore calm. But in most countries the security situation has only gotten worse. In 2024, Burkina Faso ranked as the nation most affected by terrorist violence for a second straight year, and Niger saw the largest increase in terrorism-related deaths globally. In a sign of JNIM's southward spread, Togo reported the most terrorist attacks it its history; Benin has reported nearly as many deaths in the first three months of this year than in all of 2024. Increasingly, experts say, JNIM's informant and supply chain networks are stretching into stable nations such as Ghana, Senegal and Guinea. Governments fear their fighters could soon follow. The Washington Post interviewed experts and officials in five countries to shed light on why the group is growing so fast — and what its end game might be. Reporters also traveled to the porous borderlands between Burkina Faso and Ghana, where tens of thousands have fled violence by JNIM and government forces, to speak to refugees about life under militant rule. They recounted how gun-toting JNIM members burst into mosques in Burkina Faso in recent years, announcing that strict Islamic laws would be implemented, schools would be closed and state institutions would be targeted. Violating the rules, the extremists made clear, would carry a price. Nearly 6,000 civilians have been killed by the group in the past five years, according to ACLED data. Refugees said that initially, they rejected the group outright. But their anger was redirected by the government's response: a militia-led wave of killing targeting the Fulanis, a semi-nomadic, predominantly Muslim ethnic minority spread out across West Africa. Skeptical locals became eager recruits. 'They were afraid, and they ran to them,' said Amadou Diallo, a 69-year-old Burkinabe refugee, describing his three daughters and their husbands who joined JNIM after militia members killed scores of their fellow Fulani. As the threat grows across West Africa, the region has largely fallen off the radar in Washington, according to interviews with four current and former U.S. officials. Like other officials in this story, they spoke to The Post on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive details. American drones once flown from Niger — where U.S. troops were forced out last year by the country's military junta — have been moved out of West Africa, according to two former U.S. officials with knowledge of the situation. They added that plans to relocate the drones to Ivory Coast and Benin have been scrapped. There are now fewer than 200 troops in the region, mostly stationed in countries along the coast — down from about 1,400 as recently as 2023 — according to current and former officials. U.S. Africa Command (Africom) declined to comment for this story. A spokesperson pointed to recent remarks by Gen. Michael E. Langley, the head of Africom, who emphasized that the U.S. was focused on helping African nations build the 'self-reliance' to fight terrorism. But the vast majority of programs run through the Global Fragility Act — a multiyear initiative intended to bolster stability in vulnerable West African countries — have been shut down by the Trump administration. The State Department did not respond to a request for comment. 'JNIM is ascendant,' one of the former U.S. officials said. 'In a region where we used to monitor what was happening, we no longer have the tools.' JNIM, founded in Mali in 2017 as an umbrella organization combining four Islamist extremist groups, is headed by Iyad ag Ghali and Amadou Koufa, leaders of a 2012 uprising that saw separatists and Islamists take over much of the country's north. Ag Ghali belongs to the mostly Muslim Tuareg ethnic group, which has fought for decades to establish an independent state in northern Mali. Koufa is a Fulani preacher based in central Mali. The differences between the two men have given the group broad appeal — and contributed to uncertainty about its goals. The group operates on a 'franchise' model, experts say, tailoring its strategies to local customs and its recruiting to local grievances. But wherever its fighters go, they enforce a strict Salafist version of Islamic law. Ali Diallo, a 53-year-old herder from Burkina Faso's Boucle du Mouhoun region, was washing himself before prayers at his local mosque in 2023 when a group of bearded men wearing turbans forced him and other men inside and locked the door. 'I thought we were going to die,' Ali Diallo said, recalling that the men wore machine guns across their chests. 'But two men stood where the imam usually stood and started preaching. They said their fight was with the government and their goal was to spread Islam, not to kill us.' Shortly afterward, the extremists closed his children's school. 'We were angry,' said Asseta Diallo, his 19-year-old daughter. 'We just started sitting at home.' Strict dress codes were enforced in the community, with veils required for women and short pants for men. Naming and wedding ceremonies were banned. Loud music too. In its strongholds in central and southern Mali, experts say, the group has made agreements with communities that compel residents to adhere to JNIM's rules and pay zakat, or taxes, in exchange for not being attacked. In recent months, these local pacts have allowed JNIM to shift its focus, and move its manpower, to neighboring Burkina Faso and coastal nations such as Benin. 'These guys are smart, sophisticated and evolving,' said Corinne Dufka, a veteran Sahel analyst based in Washington. 'And now, there is a model for mainstreaming their political evolution.' Some of JNIM's senior figures, Dufka said, are looking to Ahmed al-Sharaa — the Syrian leader who has recast himself as a moderate after once being associated with al-Qaeda — as a potential model for their own trajectory. When Sharaa's rebel group overthrew the Assad regime last year, JNIM issued a statement of congratulations. And when Koufa was interviewed by a French journalist in October, he did not mention al-Qaeda, prompting speculation about a possible break with the group. Western and West African officials and experts estimate JNIM has between 5,000 and 6,000 combatants but say a lack of intelligence makes it difficult to arrive at a definitive figure. Fighters have long targeted symbols of foreign influence in the region, including attacks against French and U.N. forces, and more recently have threatened Russian mercenaries fighting alongside Malian troops. Aneliese Bernard, a former State Department adviser who now runs a private security firm working in West Africa, said the group has metastasized to such an extent that it now 'directly impacts [U.S.] national security.' And, she added, 'they are expanding undeterred into the countries we have long considered robust security partners.' Military officers have staged coups in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger in response to the growing violence, promising an all-out war against the extremists. In Burkina Faso, President Ibrahim Traoré's strategy has hinged on arming more than 50,000 militia members, who have committed scores of atrocities, rights groups say. Each attack has become a recruiting opportunity for JNIM. In March, in the town of Solenzo, Burkina Faso, government militias killed dozens of mostly Fulani civilians and filmed the aftermath, according to rights groups. Videos shared by the perpetrators on social media showed the dead, including women and children, piled into trucks. In the days after the attack, JNIM released videos condemning the government. 'These miscreants want us to fight back and kill innocent women and kids … which will lead to a civil war,' said one JNIM leader in another video. 'Yet our fight is not to defend a country or an ethnicity, but religion instead.' The videos were part a wider propaganda blitz by the group during Ramadan in March. Fighters in brightly colored headscarves were filmed in action at training camps, or reading from the Quran, guns propped in front of them. Since 2019, the group has killed more than 5,800 civilians in the region, according to ACLED; about 9,600 civilians have been killed by regional militaries and government-allied militias. In areas where JNIM has achieved strong control, violent attacks against civilians tend to decline, analysts say When Amadou Diallo, the 69-year-old Burkinabe refugee, learned that his daughters and their husbands had joined JNIM, he said he was so distraught that he stopped sleeping. But then, he said, he thought of his three cousins who had been killed by government militias. Village elders had told Fulani residents to leave, that they could no longer protect them. 'The alternative was death,' he said. 'At least now I hope they are safe.' Long-haul truck driver Yakubu Janwi travels across the region, a dangerous job that gives him a window into JNIM's expanding influence. The group controls many of the major roads in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, he said; truck owners have cut deals with the militants to ensure drivers are not stopped. During one dispute over payment, he said, JNIM members seized his truck full of tea and left him wandering in the bush. He was rescued by another driver about 24 hours later, he said, but it took his boss a full year to get the vehicle back. The trucking agreements are just one strand in a complex web of illicit commerce that JNIM uses to finance its insurgency. Members are involved in gold mining in Burkina Faso and Mali, according to experts and a former member of the group. Others engineer massive cattle-rustling schemes, including in Ghana, run kidnapping networks or are involved in smuggling drugs and motorcycles. Analysts say an increasingly large share of JNIM's funding comes from the taxes levied on communities in Mali and Burkina Faso. Solidifying its base of operations has allowed the group to devote more resources to attacks in Benin, said Andrew Lebovich, a research fellow with the Clingendael Institute. An ambush last month in the far north of the country killed 54 soldiers, the military said. Soldiers were caught off guard, according to a Benin military official: 'It is hard to track their movement,' the official said. JNIM is now actively recruiting in Benin, according to the official and experts. In the country's far north, recruiters now openly present themselves to local leaders, as they did when they first moved into parts of Burkina Faso and Mali. The group's weapons come largely from the government forces it has defeated, according to a recent report by Conflict Armament Research. There have been so many of those defeats that JNIM has been able to amass a formidable arsenal of machine guns, drones and antiaircraft weaponry — and has demonstrated it can deploy them to deadly effect. Last month, JNIM took control of Djibo, a regional capital in northern Burkina Faso — killing scores of soldiers and civilians and holding the city from 5 a.m. to 2 p.m. Fighters posed for pictures on the streets and in government offices, including under a photo of Traoré, and vowed they were coming for the young president. At a recent U.S.-led military training in Tamale, in northern Ghana — a stand-alone Africom exercise spared from the Trump administration's regional cuts — soldiers from Ghana, Benin and Ivory Coast said the images from Djibo circulated in their WhatsApp groups. JNIM is now top of mind across the region. 'They're more violent, more organized and have more means,' said a military official from Ivory Coast. 'They wanted to spread Islam at first, but now it seems like they want to get all the way to the sea.' That theory was echoed by a U.S. official, who said the group sees its expansion as a kind of 'manifest destiny,' and appears to be pushing for a route to the Atlantic, which would dramatically increase the reach of its smuggling networks. Ghana, a nation of 33 million still seen as a bright spot of stability and democracy in West Africa, has not been attacked yet by JNIM. But officials from neighboring countries have told their Ghanaian counterparts to be on guard. Already, regional officials and experts said, JNIM is using Ghana to restock its supplies and rest its fighters after assaults in Burkina Faso. Along the countries' shared border, which is marked by narrow, sandy footpaths and potholed roads, a group of Ghanaian immigration officers are doing their best to patrol but said they need more resources. Sixteen officers are tasked with guarding the 10-mile border. They can often hear the echo of gunshots on the other side. 'Burkinabes cross every day, and they tell us what is happening there,' said Gabriel Afful, one of the officers. Was he nervous about the future? Afful simply nodded. Blanco Ramos reported from Madrid. Ayamga Bawa Fatawu and Ahmed Jeeri contributed to this report.
Yahoo
11 hours ago
- Yahoo
Looted from Syria, sold on Facebook: antiquities smuggling surges after fall of Assad
They come by night. Armed with pickaxes, shovels and jackhammers, looters disturb the dead. Under the cover of darkness, men exhume graves buried more than 2,000 years ago in Syria's ancient city of Palmyra, searching for treasure. By day, the destruction caused by grave robbers is apparent. Three-metre-deep holes mar the landscape of Palmyra, where ancient burial crypts lure people with the promise of funerary gold and ancient artefacts that fetch thousands of dollars. 'These different layers are important, when people mix them together, it will be impossible for archaeologists to understand what they're looking at,' said Mohammed al-Fares, a resident of Palmyra and an activist with the NGO Heritage for Peace, as he stood in the remains of an ancient crypt exhumed by looters. He picked up a shattered piece of pottery that tomb raiders had left behind and placed it next to the rusted tailfin of a mortar bomb. Palmyra, which dates back to the third century BC, suffered heavy damage during the period of Islamic State control, when militants blew up parts of the ancient site in 2015, deeming its ruins apostate idols. Palmyra is not the only ancient site under threat. Experts and officials say the looting and trafficking of Syria's antiquities has surged to unprecedented levels since rebels overthrew the former Syrian president Bashar al-Assad in December, putting the country's heritage further at risk. According to the Antiquities Trafficking and Heritage Anthropology Research Project (ATHAR), which investigates antiquities black markets online, nearly a third of the 1,500 Syrian cases it has documented since 2012 have occurred since December alone. 'When the [Assad] regime fell, we saw a huge spike on the ground. It was a complete breakdown of any constraints that might have existed in the regime periods that controlled looting,' said Amr al-Azm, a professor of Middle East history and anthropology at Shawnee State University in Ohio and co-director of the ATHAR project. The collapse of Syria's once-feared security apparatus, coupled with widespread poverty, has triggered a gold rush. Located in the heart of the fertile crescent where settled civilisation first emerged, Syria is awash with mosaics, statues and artefacts that fetch top dollar from collectors in the west. In one post on Facebook in December, a user offered a pile of ancient coins for sale. 'I have been holding them for 15 years, Free Syria,' the user wrote. Katie Paul, a co-director of the ATHAR project and the director of Tech Transparency Project, said: 'The last three to four months has been the biggest flood of antiquities trafficking I have ever seen, from any country, ever.' Paul, along with Azm, tracks the route of trafficked Middle Eastern antiquities online and has created a database of more than 26,000 screenshots, videos and pictures documenting trafficked antiquities dating back to 2012. 'This is the fastest we've ever seen artefacts being sold. Before for example, a mosaic being sold out of Raqqa took a year. Now, mosaics are being sold in two weeks,' said Paul. Syria's new government has urged looters to stop, offering finder's fees to those who turn in antiquities rather than sell them, and threatening offenders with up to 15 years in prison. But preoccupied with rebuilding a shattered country and struggling to assert control, Damascus has few resources to protect its archaeological heritage. Much of the looting is being carried out by individuals desperate for cash, hoping to find ancient coins or antiquities they can sell quickly. In Damascus, shops selling metal detectors have proliferated while ads on social media show users discovering hidden treasure with models such as the XTREM Hunter, which retails for just over $2,000 (£1,470). Others operate as part of sophisticated criminal networks. A local archaeological watchdog in the city of Salamiya, central Syria, filmed a video while walking through the bronze age-era settlement of Tall Shaykh Ali, where uniform 5-metre-deep holes dug by heavy machinery pockmarked the ground every few steps. 'They are doing this day and night. I am scared for my safety, so I don't approach them,' said a researcher with the watchdog in Salamiya, speaking anonymously for fear of reprisal from criminal looting networks. Other cases show entire mosaics removed intact from sites, the work of experienced professionals. Once out of the ground, antiquities make their way online. Experts say Facebook has emerged as a key hub for the sale of stolen antiquities, with public and private groups offering everything from ancient coins, entire mosaics and heavy stone busts to the highest bidder. The ATHAR project provided the Guardian with dozens of screenshots and videos of Syrian antiquities, including mosaics and Palmyran busts, being sold on Facebook groups. A single Facebook search of 'antiquities for sale Syria' in Arabic yielded more than a dozen Facebook groups dedicated to the trading of cultural artefacts, many of them public. In a March video from a Facebook group, a man with a Syrian accent displays a mosaic depicting Zeus on a throne, using his mobile phone for scale. The mosaic is still in the ground in the video, but later surfaces in another photo, removed from the site. 'This is just one of the four mosaics we have,' the man brags. In other groups, looters have gone on Facebook Live from archaeological sites, asking users for advice where they should dig next and drumming up excitement from potential buyers who tune in. In 2020, Facebook banned the sale of historical antiquities on its platform and said it would remove any related content. However, according to Paul, the policy is rarely enforced despite continued sales on the platform being well documented. 'Trafficking of cultural property during conflict is a crime, here you have Facebook acting as a vehicle for the crime. Facebook knows this is an issue,' said Paul. She added that she was tracking dozens of antiquities trading groups on Facebook that have more than 100,000 members, the largest of which has approximately 900,000 members. A representative from Meta, the parent company of Facebook, declined to respond to the Guardian's request for a comment. The Facebook groups are used as a gateway for traffickers, connecting low-level looters in Syria to criminal networks that smuggle the artefacts out of the country into neighbouring Jordan and Turkey. From there, the pieces are shipped around the world to create fake bills of sale and provenance so they can be laundered into the grey market of antiquities. After 10 to 15 years they make their way into legal auction houses, where collectors and museums, primarily located in the US and Europe, snap them up. With 90% of Syria's population living in poverty, stopping desperate individuals from looting is a gargantuan task. Instead, experts have said that the responsibility for regulation should fall on the west, which is the primary buyer of the Middle East's cultural antiquities. 'How do we stop this? Stop the demand in the west,' Azm said. 'Until the security issue improves, you won't see an improvement. We focus on the supply side to abrogate the responsibility of the west.' In Palmyra, Fares is still coming to terms with how much his home town has changed since returning in December after years of displacement. Broken stones lie at the feet of the Roman-era Arch of Triumph and the carved faces of sarcophagi in the Tomb of the Three Brothers have been gouged out – all a product of IS iconoclasm. At night, he and other residents stand guard in the ancient city, determined not to let looters steal what remains of a place already plundered by 15 years of war.