
‘Are the bricks evil?': In a village built for Nazis, darkness lingers
On the outskirts of Berlin, Waldsiedlung Krumme Lanke is an idyllic neighbourhood with a sinister past, and a symbol of Germany's effort to both remember and forget.
One morning in January, Susanne Bücker, a family doctor in Berlin, woke up worried. National elections were approaching, and President Donald Trump's most vocal advocate, Elon Musk, was publicly supporting Germany's far-right party, the Alternative for Germany (or AfD), whose leaders have spouted Nazi slogans and downplayed the Holocaust. Bücker sent a letter

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NZ Herald
8 hours ago
- NZ Herald
Asian markets rise amid US-China trade talks speculation
Most markets rose as investors speculated on upcoming China-US trade talks between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping. Photo / 123rf Most markets rose Tuesday as investors kept tabs on developments in the China-US trade war as speculation swirled that the countries' leaders will hold talks soon. After a period of relative calm on tariffs, US President Donald Trump at the weekend accused Beijing of violating last month's deal to slash

RNZ News
15 hours ago
- RNZ News
Trump may be forced to act as Putin refuses to budge in Russia-Ukraine peace talks
US President Donald Trump and Russia's President Vladimir Putin. Photo: Mandel Ngan and Maxim Shemetov / various sources / AFP Analysis: So, Russia and Ukraine are still as far apart as ever , with the two warring countries unable to make a significant breakthrough in direct talks in Istanbul. While there was agreement to exchange more prisoners, Moscow and Kyiv remain deeply divided over how to bring the costly and bitter Ukraine war to an end. Russia has shown itself to be particularly uncompromising, handing Ukrainian negotiators a memorandum re-stating its maximalist, hardline terms which would essentially amount to a Ukrainian surrender. Expectations were always low for a Kremlin compromise. But Moscow appears to have eliminated any hint of a readiness to soften its demands. The Russian memorandum again calls on Ukraine to withdraw from four partially occupied regions that Russia has annexed but not captured: a territorial concession that Kyiv has repeatedly rejected. It says Ukraine must accept strict limits on its armed forces, never join a military alliance, host foreign troops or aquire nuclear weapons. It would be Ukrainian demilitarisation in its most hardline form, unpalatable to Ukraine and much of Europe, which sees the country as a barrier against further Russian expansion. Other Russian demands include the restoration of full diplomatic and economic ties, specifically that no reparations will be demanded by either side and that all Western sanctions on Russia be lifted. It is a Kremlin wish-list that, while familiar, speaks volumes about how Moscow continues to imagine the future of Ukraine as a subjugated state in the thrall of Russia, with no significant military of its own nor real independence. This uncompromising position comes despite two important factors which may have given the Kremlin pause. Firstly, Ukraine has developed the technical capability to strike deep inside Russia, despite its staggering disparity of territory and resources. The stunning drone strikes recently targeting Russian strategic bombers at bases thousands of miles from Ukraine is a powerful illustration of that. Ukraine, it seems, has some cards after all, and is using them effectively. Secondly - and arguably more dangerously for Moscow - the Kremlin's latest hardline demands come despite US President Donald Trump's increasing frustrations with his own Ukraine peace efforts. Trump has already expressed annoyance with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, who he said had gone "absolutely MAD" after massive Russian strikes on Ukraine last week. But now, Trump himself is under pressure as a cornerstone of his second term foreign policy - bringing a rapid end the Ukraine war - looks decidedly shaky. There are powerful levers to pull if Trump chooses, like increasing US military aid or imposing tough new sanctions, such as those overwhelmingly supported in the US Senate. One of the key backers of a cross-party senate bill that aims to impose "crippling" new measures on Moscow, Senator Richard Blumenthal, accused Russia of "mocking peace efforts" at the Istanbul talks and in a carefully worded post on X accused the Kremlin of "playing Trump and America for fools." It is unclear at the moment how the mercurial US president will react, or what - if anything - he will do. But the outcome of the Ukraine war, specifically the brokering of peace deal to end it, has become inextricably linked with the current administration in the White House. The fact that Putin has once again dug in his heels and presented an uncompromising response to calls for peace, may now force Trump to act. - CNN


Otago Daily Times
16 hours ago
- Otago Daily Times
Dorka turns 102, recalls life under communist regime
Refugee Dorka Ganeva turned 102 late last month, 50 years after arriving in Christchurch to escape the Bulgarian communist regime. In a two-part series starting today, she talks to reporter Dylan Smits about resisting the communists after World War 2 Dorka's room at Radius St Helenas rest home is filling up with congratulatory cards and well wishes from the Bulgarian Embassy, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, Mayor Phil Mauger, and Seniors Minister Casey Costello. 'It feels very good,' she said of the cards. 'My life in Bulgaria was very frightening, so since I moved to New Zealand, I've recovered from the trauma. 'It's a sign of of respect. Those are some very smart people who sent the cards.' Dorka has lived peacefully in New Zealand for 50 years, but it was not always that way. At her advanced age, she is frail and has lost much of her hearing, but she still recalls her family's ill-treatment at the hands of the communist regime. Born in Varna, Bulgaria, on May 23, 1923, Dorka grew up in the small village of Kesarevo. Her childhood was happy in the independent Kingdom of Bulgaria, following the end of Ottoman rule. Her father managed the general store while her mother taught at the intermediate school. Despite national economic and political difficulties, Dorka's youth was happy. She studied at a girls' boarding school in Sofia during her high school years, where her love for art and literature blossomed. 'I enjoyed school very much and made friends for life.' Her future husband Stefan, a family friend 16 years her senior, opened a bank in Kesarevo to serve workers and peasants. He would visit her in Sofia while she studied. 'He was very kind to me and I didn't just like him, I adored him. With time we grew closer and closer.' An idealist and vegetarian, Stefan believed in humanitarianism. Though not political at first, he increasingly engaged in pro-democracy activism as Bulgaria came under authoritarian rule. First it was the Nazi-aligned military government, then the Soviet-installed communist regime. At 17, Dorka moved to Veliko Tarnovo for further study. World War 2 would break out soon after. She married Stefan in July 1942. Their first son, Kamen, was born in April 1943. While Dorka lived quietly in Kesarevo, Bulgaria was pressured by Nazi Germany to deport its Jewish population. She was moved by the public resistance. The Bulgarian government ultimately refused to deport its 50,000 Jews, due to pressure from religious leaders and parliament. As German soldiers passed through Bulgaria, she wondered: 'How could they send these young men to kill innocent people? Are they capable of committing such cruelties?' The family's troubles started when Stefan defended a bank employee accused of aiding the communist resistance. Though successful, Stefan was branded an 'enemy of the people,' a label that haunted the family under both fascist and communist regimes. When the Soviet Union invaded in September 1944, the situation worsened. Stefan was ousted from his banking job by the communists for allegedly supporting fascism, despite his opposition to it. Their daughter Maria was born two months after the invasion. The family became subsistence farmers, relying on a small flock of sheep. In 1946, Stefan ran in Bulgaria's post-war elections as part of the democratic opposition. 'From that moment onwards, our lives became a nightmare,' said Dorka. Police began harassing the family, often entering their home and conducting searches for anything incriminating. One night, they came to arrest Stefan. He was in the backyard, but Dorka lied, saying he was at the barbershop, giving him time to escape. She was summoned by the mayor and interrogated, but she held firm. Pregnant with their second son, Stojan, she told them: 'Even if I knew where my husband was I wouldn't tell you.' She later learned the police officer present wanted to beat and imprison her but refrained because she was pregnant. Shortly before the election, the government stopped arresting opposition candidates to maintain a facade of fairness. Stefan returned home and Dorka gave birth, but their house was attacked by communist youths who threw rocks through their front windows during a political meeting. 'When I went to check the children in their bedroom, I saw a large rock had landed right next to my baby Stojan's head. He was only 3-months-old. It was very lucky he wasn't killed.' Stefan won his seat and the opposition won the election, but the communist authorities overturned the results. Stefan was forced to go into hiding again, fearing arrest. 'We lived through so much fear and troubles. It was difficult to get through every day knowing they could arrest my husband,' said Dorka. Eventually, Stefan surrendered, hoping for a fair trial. Ten days later, Dorka was told he had been sent to a work camp. 'I was completely shocked by the news. I could not say a word and left the room. I was distraught. I don't remember how I managed to get back home.' For two years, Dorka managed the farm and raised her children as a solo mother. 'Despite anxiety, fears and hard work, we somehow got through that first year without Stefan,' she said. He endured harsh conditions in a mining camp with scarce food and regular abuse. When Dorka was finally allowed to visit, she barely recognised him. 'I was frightened. He was only skin and bones. His lovely hair was shaved off.' Toward the end of the second year of his imprisonment, an official visited to tell her Stefan had been released. 'That was the happiest moment of my life. I was in seventh heaven,' said Dorka. Shortly after, the couple were summoned to the mayor's office. A representative from the Interior Ministry apologised and offered Stefan a high-ranking job as deputy commerce minister – on the condition he join the government-aligned political party. They refused. 'He was a man of principle,' said son Kamen, now 82. 'He sacrificed a lot for his beliefs. He did not want to be part of that system.' Refusing the position eliminated the family's last hope of safety in Bulgaria. In the years that followed, escape became their only option. • Next week, the suspicious death of Dorka's husband, and escaping Bulgaria in 1975