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How PJM can get the power that it needs — and fast

How PJM can get the power that it needs — and fast

Yahoo18-02-2025

PJM Interconnection, the organization that manages the transmission grid delivering electricity to about 65 million people from the mid-Atlantic coast to the Great Lakes, badly needs more power. In fact, its inability to connect projects languishing in its interconnection queues — most of them solar, wind, and batteries ready to replace closing coal-fired power plants — has spiked the cost of power, is threatening state clean power goals, and may put grid reliability at risk before decade's end.
Last week, PJM won approval from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission for two dramatically different approaches to solving these problems. But clean energy companies and advocates say one of the plans is unfair and won't work — and they're hoping the grid operator will focus on the cleaner, faster, and more realistic alternatives at hand.
The plan critics take issue with, known as the Reliability Resource Initiative, allows PJM to fast-track some 'dispatchable' generation resources — most likely, fossil gas–fired power plants — ahead of all the other projects that have been waiting for years to get connected, the vast majority of which are wind, solar, and batteries.
Power plant owners, utilities, and state regulators support the RRI. But opponents say it runs counter to fair and open grid access and market competition rules, could complicate already-clogged interconnection processes, and will likely fail to deliver the fast grid relief PJM is looking for.
At a FERC meeting last week, the RRI proposal passed by a 3-1 vote, with the fifth commissioner, Lindsay See, a Republican, abstaining. But only Mark Christie, a Republican who was named FERC chair by the Trump administration last month, voted in support of the plan without expressing reservations.
Willie Phillips and David Rosner, the two Democrats who voted in favor of RRI, said in a concurrence to the decision that their approval was a 'one-time emergency measure' and that the plan is 'not a substitute for a well-functioning interconnection process.' Judy Chang, a Democrat who voted against the plan, wrote in her dissenting statement that RRI 'presents a risk of the worst of both worlds: It compromises the Commission's open access principles with no guarantee it will resolve PJM's reliability issue.'
One problem with RRI, Chang wrote, is that it seeks to fast-track the kind of power plants that are the hardest to build quickly: 'large generators, which are the most challenging to develop, acquire the necessary environmental permits, and obtain adequate material supplies and labor for construction.'
Another problem is that PJM's methodology for choosing which projects get fast-tracked primarily rewards large ones, rather than prioritizing criteria like whether they can be brought online before 2030 or built at sites with existing 'headroom' on PJM's grid, even though those are 'arguably the two most critical factors to meeting its identified reliability needs,' Chang wrote.
Critics have expressed similar concerns since PJM launched the RRI plan in October. The grid operator predicted that the plan could spur 10 gigawatts of new power plants by 2028. But industry observers say it's highly unlikely that many gas-fired power plants could be built or connected that quickly.
Just getting the new gas turbines needed for these power plants can take four to five years given current order backlogs, according to industry experts. Last month, renewable energy developer NextEra Energy announced plans to build gas power plants with GE Vernova. But CEO John Ketchum noted in an earnings call that gas-fired generation projects not already well along in the procurement and construction process 'won't be available at scale until 2030 and then only in certain pockets of the U.S.'
Nor are large power plants likely to fit easily onto a PJM grid that's already too congested to connect most projects, at least not without significant and costly grid upgrades, said Caitlin Marquis, managing director at clean energy trade group Advanced Energy United.
Letting up to 50 projects leap to the front of the line 'could raise interconnection upgrade costs' for the many other projects that have been waiting to get onto the grid, she said.
Even the Electric Power Supply Association, a trade group representing companies that own and develop gas-fired power plants, has voiced reservations about the RRI plan. 'All resources play a role in the evolving energy landscape; this limited tool is only necessary to address short-term interconnection queue bottlenecks and the current supply crunch,' Todd Snitchler, the group's president and CEO, said in a statement last week. 'We anticipate that PJM's queue reform process will resolve these challenges, making such measures unnecessary in the future.'
All of these drawbacks make the RRI plan a nonstarter, critics say. But there are many other options that PJM could pursue, according to Marquis.
'Those solutions that don't upend market expectations are the pathway you should take, rather than turning to a solution that's going to have a lot of disruption and market risk and still yield uncertain outcomes,' she said.
The second PJM plan approved by FERC last week, known as Surplus Interconnection Service, is one such option. In simple terms, it lays out rules for existing projects to add new resources — like batteries to wind and solar farms — to provide more power when the grid needs it most.
That proposal won broad support from groups that have fought over RRI, including clean energy advocates and fossil fuel power plant owners who are usually at odds. The new plan, clean energy advocates point out, is much improved from PJM's previous SIS regime.
'In the past, the surplus interconnection rules were very restrictive,' said Katie Siegner, a manager in the carbon-free electricity practice at think tank RMI. 'Now it's been opened up to be applicable to a much bigger set of resources.' For example, 'we've heard from independent power providers that adding storage to existing or soon-to-be-operating renewables is now a real use case.'
In fact, an RMI analysis submitted as part of a FERC filing from environmental groups Sierra Club and Appalachian Voices calculated that by 2030, PJM projects using SIS could add between 5.3 GW and 13.2 GW of 'unforced capacity' — a term for the amount of power available during times of peak grid demand that drive PJM's resource-adequacy needs.
That's not the only way PJM can unleash more power on the grid, Siegner said. Beyond SIS, PJM has put forward a bevy of ideas to deal with what it has described as a looming grid reliability crisis. Another proposal that's won ample stakeholder support and is now awaiting FERC approval would let newly built resources more quickly reuse the grid connections left open at power plants, most of them coal-fired, that are now closing across the region.
According to RMI's analysis, this 'generator replacement interconnection' option could add from 3.3 GW to 10.2 GW of unforced capacity to PJM's grid by 2030. That's not just a neat way to replace dirty generation with much cleaner resources — RMI has estimated that the technique could enable up to 250 GW of clean energy across the country by 2032. It would also help resolve PJM's core challenge of replacing power plants closing under state climate mandates or economic pressures.
Projects in Massachusetts, Minnesota, and North Carolina have all installed batteries that use the grid connections at shuttered coal-fired power plants. Environmental groups and Maryland state officials attempted to get PJM to consider such a plan to avoid paying a set of coal plants in Maryland to stay open past their planned closure dates, only to founder on PJM's lack of a workable set of rules to allow this approach to move forward.
PJM won't be trying something new if it pursues these pathways, Siegner added. The Midcontinent Independent System Operator and Southwest Power Pool, two grid operators that together manage grids covering or touching 18 states, have added nearly 7 GW of capacity using their own versions of surplus interconnection service, and a combined 13.3 GW of capacity through generator replacement, according to RMI's analysis.
Finally, if PJM simply completes and executes long-promised reforms to its notoriously slow and backlogged process for managing its interconnection queue, that could make a big dent in its generation deficit, Siegner said. What's more, PJM and all other U.S. grid operators are under FERC mandate to undertake interconnection reforms that should drive further improvements.
All of these changes will 'allow resources to be fairly evaluated and interconnected faster,' she said. Taken together, they can more than make up the capacity shortfall PJM is forecasting for 2030 and that is spurring its RRI proposal.
Backers of fast-tracking gas-fired power plants aren't against these other reforms. As Electric Power Supply Association's Snitchler said in last week's statement, 'What matters most and what we hope to see going forward is a fair, efficient interconnection process that gives developers reasonable certainty while ensuring the grid has the power it needs—now and in the future.'
At the same time, the conflicts that have emerged over PJM's menu of plans to solve its grid challenges match up with a broader political division between fossil fuel supporters and clean energy groups.
Last month, Republicans in Congress introduced bills that would require FERC to quickly review and decide on grid operator proposals that, like PJM's RRI plan, push certain 'dispatchable' power plants ahead of other projects in interconnection queues. The Electric Power Supply Association supports the legislation, which was introduced by lawmakers representing Ohio, North Dakota, and Indiana, three Republican-controlled states with policies that support fossil-fuel power plants.
At the same time, major grid failures during winter storms over the past four years have revealed that gas-fired power plants aren't always able to provide the electricity that plans like these assume they will, said Sarah Toth Kotwis, a senior associate on the markets and grids team at RMI's carbon-free electricity program.
PJM's RRI proposal presumes that 'larger resources are more likely to contribute to reliability. But in fact, we've seen time and time again that just because a resource is dispatchable doesn't mean it's reliable.'
Such proposals will likely face legal challenges. FERC's decision last week rejected complaints by clean energy groups that PJM's RRI plan violates legal precedent over making changes to existing rules and rates. But policies that privilege some types of power plants over others in the competitive markets managed by grid operators could certainly be seen as a violation of the 'open access' principle that's been core to federal electricity policy for decades, according to Rob Gramlich, president of consultancy Grid Strategies who previously held senior positions at FERC.
'For those who think they have an easy one-time fix or a way to get a quick solution here, maybe they've not been in court proceedings very often. But those don't get resolved quickly, especially when you're going after the core principle of FERC and Federal Power Act policy,' Gramlich said during a December webinar.
Gramlich didn't dismiss the challenges that PJM and the country at large face in expanding power supply to serve data centers, factories, electric vehicles, and other drivers of growing electricity demand. But 'I would suggest people might look for other ways to speed things up,' he said.

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Ethics legislation stalls in Springfield as Senate president tries ‘brazen' move that would have helped his election case
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Ethics legislation stalls in Springfield as Senate president tries ‘brazen' move that would have helped his election case

In the closing hours of the Illinois General Assembly's spring session, Senate President Don Harmon tried to pass legislation that would have wiped clean a potential multimillion-dollar fine against his political campaign committee for violating election finance laws he championed years ago. Harmon's move came against the backdrop of the former Illinois House speaker's upcoming sentencing for corruption and abuse of power and almost instantly created a bipartisan legislative controversy that resulted in the bill never getting called for a vote. The Oak Park Democrat's maneuver, characterized by critics as 'brazen' and self-serving, also raises anew questions about how seriously political leaders are trying to improve ethical standards in a state government the electorate already holds in low regard. 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Harmon, who sponsored the earlier law, has repeatedly done that himself, giving or loaning his campaign fund more than $100,000 — sometimes by just a single dollar — to trigger the so-called 'money bomb' loophole. Harmon did it again for the 2024 campaign season when, in January 2023, he gave his state Senate campaign committee more than $100,000 even though he was not running for office last year. While members of the Illinois House are up for election every two years, state Senate seats have one two-year term and two four-year terms every 10 years. In paperwork filed with the state elections board, Harmon indicated the move allowed him to keep collecting unlimited cash through the November 2024 election. However, board officials informed him that the loophole would be closed after the March 2024 primary. 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At the same time, the governor acknowledged he didn't 'know enough about the violations that have been alleged.' Another provision that raised eyebrows in the Harmon-backed legislation would have allowed statewide elected officials and state lawmakers running for federal offices to hold fundraisers on session days and the day before, as long as they're held outside of Sangamon County, which includes Springfield. A statewide ban on such fundraisers was a provision in the 2021 ethics law touted by Pritzker and other top Democrats. The new provision would have benefited Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton, Pritzker's two-time running mate who's running for U.S. Senate, and a handful of state legislators who've declared their candidacies for the U.S. House. The candidates also would have been able to transfer money raised on session days for their federal campaigns into their state accounts, as long as they adhered to state contribution limits. Welch, Harmon and Pritzker's office all said they didn't know the origin of the language, which was presented in a brief committee hearing late on the final day of session as an attempt to align state law with rules governing fundraising for federal candidates. But West, giving the overall package its only public airing, couldn't explain how leaving a restriction in place only for Springfield's home county would pass legal muster. There was a feeling that it would be more ethical to keep in-session political fundraisers 'as far away from the state Capitol as possible,' West said. But Rep. Carol Ammons, an Urbana Democrat, called the provision problematic, saying: 'I don't know what difference it makes what county you're in. If you're fundraising while we're in session, you're fundraising while we're in session.' Chicago Tribune's Jeremy Gorner and Addison Wright contributed.

Trump and Musk can both hurt each other in their feud. Here's how.
Trump and Musk can both hurt each other in their feud. Here's how.

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Trump and Musk can both hurt each other in their feud. Here's how.

An explosive breakdown in the relationship between President Donald Trump and his biggest political donor turned part-time employee, Tesla CEO Elon Musk, has been foreshadowed since their alliance first took shape. When Trump brought Musk along for the ride as he moved back into the White House, the looming question was always how long the two could possibly stay in sync. After all, neither the most powerful person in the world nor the richest person on Earth is known for keeping his ego in check. The main thrust of the Trump-Musk feud boils down to who can assert dominance over the other. In the intense back-and-forth that had everyone glued to their screens Thursday, we saw bullies used to getting their way desperately trying to find leverage over each other. But unlike the flame wars of old, where internet trolls would hurl insults at each other across message board forums, Trump and Musk can do serious damage to each other in the real world — and to the rest of us in the process. 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Chabria: Democrats are busy bashing themselves. Is it needed, or just needy?
Chabria: Democrats are busy bashing themselves. Is it needed, or just needy?

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Chabria: Democrats are busy bashing themselves. Is it needed, or just needy?

To hear Republicans tell it, California is a failed state and Donald Trump won the presidency in a landslide that gives him a mandate to do as he pleases. No surprise there. But more and more, Democrats are echoing those talking points. Ever since Kamala Harris lost the election, the Democratic Party has been on a nationwide self-flagellation tour. One after another, its leaders have stuck their heads deep into their navels, hoping to find out why so many Americans — especially young people, Black voters and Latinos — shunned the former vice president. Even in California, a reliably blue state, the soul-searching has been extreme, as seen at last weekend's state Democratic Party convention, where a parade of speakers — including Harris' 2024 running mate, Tim Walz — wailed and moaned and did the woe-is-us-thing. Is it long-overdue introspection, or just annoying self-pity? Our columnists Anita Chabria and Mark Z. Barabak hash it out. Chabria: Mark, you were at the convention in Anaheim. Thoughts? Barabak: I'll start by noting this is the first convention I've attended — and I've been to dozens — rated "R" for adult language. Apparently, Democrats think by dropping a lot of f-bombs they can demonstrate to voters their authenticity and passion. But it seemed kind of stagy and, after a while, grew tiresome. I've covered Nancy Pelosi for more than three decades and never once heard her utter a curse word, in public or private. I don't recall Martin Luther King Jr., saying, "I have a [expletive deleted] dream." Both were pretty darned effective leaders. Democrats have a lot of work to do. But cursing a blue streak isn't going to win them back the White House or control of Congress. Read more: Barabak: Yelling, finger-pointing and cursing galore as California Democrats gather near Disneyland Chabria: As someone known to routinely curse in polite society, I'm not one to judge an expletive. But that cussing and fussing brings up a larger point: Democrats are desperate to prove how serious and passionate they are about fixing themselves. Gov. Gavin Newsom has called the Democratic brand "toxic." Walz told his fellow Dems: "We're in this mess because some of it's our own doing." It seems like across the country, the one thing Democrats can agree on is that they are lame. Or at least, they see themselves as lame. I'm not sure the average person finds Democratic ideals such as equality or due process quite so off-putting, especially as Trump and his MAGA brigade move forward on the many campaign promises — deportations, rollbacks of civil rights, stripping the names of civil rights icons off ships — that at least some voters believed were more talk than substance. I always tell my kids to be their own hero, and I'm starting to think the Democrats need to hear that. Pick yourself up. Dust yourself off. Move on. Do you think all this self-reproach is useful, Mark? Does Harris' loss really mean the party is bereft of value or values? Barabak: I think self-reflection is good for the party, to a point. Democrats suffered a soul-crushing loss in November — at the presidential level and in the Senate, where the GOP seized control — and they did so in part because many of their traditional voters stayed home. It would be political malpractice not to figure out why. That said, there is a tendency to go overboard and over-interpret the long-term significance of any one election. This is not the end of the Democratic Party. It's not even the first time one of the two major parties has been cast into the political wilderness. Democrats went through similar soul-searching after presidential losses in 1984 and 1988. In 1991, a book was published explaining how Democrats were again destined to lose the White House and suggesting they would do so for the foreseeable future. In November 1992, Bill Clinton was elected president. Four years later, he romped to reelection. In 2013, after two straight losing presidential campaigns, Republicans commissioned a political autopsy that, among other recommendations, urged the party to increase its outreach to gay and Latino voters. In 2016, Donald Trump — not exactly a model of inclusion — was elected. Here, by the way, is how The Times wrote up that postmortem: "A smug, uncaring, ideologically rigid national Republican Party is turning off the majority of American voters, with stale policies that have changed little in 30 years and an image that alienates minorities and the young, according to an internal GOP study." Sound familar? So, sure, look inward. But spare us the existential freakout. Read more: Chabria: California isn't backing down on healthcare for immigrants, despite Trump threats Chabria: I would also argue that this moment is about more than the next election. I do think there are questions about if democracy will make it that long, and if so, if the next round at the polls will be a free and fair one. I know the price of everything continues to rise, and conventional wisdom is that it's all about the economy. But Democrats seem stuck in election politics as usual. These however, are unusual times that call for something more. There are a lot of folks who don't like to see their neighbors, family or friends rounded up by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in masks; a lot of people who don't want to see Medicaid cut for millions, with Medicare likely to be on the chopping block next; a lot of people who are afraid our courts won't hold the line until the midterms. They want to know Democrats are fighting to protect these things, not fighting each other. I agree with you that any loss should be followed by introspection. But also, there's a hunger for leadership in opposition to this administration, and the Democrats are losing an opportunity to be those leaders with their endless self-immolation. Did Harris really lose that bad? Did Trump really receive a mandate to end America as we know it? Barabak: No, and no. I mean, a loss is a loss. Trump swept all seven battleground states and the election result was beyond dispute unlike, say, 2000. But Trump's margin over Harris in the popular vote was just 1.5% — which is far from landslide territory — and he didn't even win a majority of support, falling just shy of 50%. As for a supposed mandate, the most pithy and perceptive post-election analysis I read came from the American Enterprise Institute's Yuval Levin, who noted Trump's victory marked the third presidential campaign in a row in which the incumbent party lost — something not seen since the 19th century. Challengers "win elections because their opponents were unpopular," Levin wrote, "and then — imagining the public has endorsed their party activists' agenda — they use the power of their office to make themselves unpopular." It's a long way to 2026, and an even longer way to 2028. But Levin is sure looking smart. Chabria: I know Kamala-bashing is popular right now, but I'd argue that Harris wasn't resoundingly unpopular — just unpopular enough, with some. Harris had 107 days to campaign. Many candidates spend years running for the White House, and much longer if you count the coy "maybe" period. She was unknown to most Americans, faced double discrimination from race and gender, and (to be fair) has never been considered wildly charismatic. So to nearly split the popular vote with all that baggage is notable. But maybe Elon Musk said it best. As part of his messy breakup with Trump, the billionaire tweeted, 'Without me, Trump would have lost the election, Dems would control the House and the Republicans would be 51-49 in the Senate." Sometimes there's truth in anger. Musk's money influenced this election, and probably tipped it to Trump in at least one battleground state. Any postmortem needs to examine not just the message, but also the medium. Is it what Democrats are saying that isn't resonating, or is it that right-wing oligarchs are dominating communication? Read more: Barabak: Gavin Newsom has lots to say. Is it worth listening? Barabak: Chabria: Mark? Barabak: Sorry. I was so caught up in the spectacle of the world's richest man going all neener-neener with the world's most powerful man I lost track of where we were. With all due respect to Marshall McLuhan, I think Democrats need first off to figure out a message to carry them through the 2026 midterms. They were quite successful in 2018 pushing back on GOP efforts to dismantle the Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare, if you prefer. It's not hard to see them resurrecting that playbook if Republicans take a meat-ax to Medicare and millions of Americans lose their healthcare coverage. Then, come 2028, they'll pick a presidential nominee and have their messenger, who can then focus on the medium — TV, radio, podcasts, TikTok, Bluesky or whatever else is in political fashion at the moment. Now, excuse me while I return my sights to the sandbox. Get the L.A. Times Politics newsletter. Deeply reported insights into legislation, politics and policy from Sacramento, Washington and beyond, in your inbox twice per week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.

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