
Moscow outlaws Amnesty International for ‘Russophobia' amid Ukraine war
Russian authorities have designated Amnesty International as an 'undesirable' organisation, alleging that the rights group propagates pro-war content backed by the Western allies of Ukraine, in the latest crackdown on Kremlin critics.
The Russian Prosecutor General's Office said in a statement on Monday that Amnesty's London office has acted as a 'centre for the preparation of global Russophobic projects paid for by accomplices of the Kyiv regime', according to state-run media.
It claimed that since the start of the war in February 2022, Amnesty has been 'doing everything possible to intensify the military confrontation in the region', including by 'insisting on the political and economic isolation of our country'.
The office also emphasised that members of the international rights group 'support extremist organisations and finance the activities of foreign agents'.
Amnesty did not immediately respond to the allegations.
The designation means the international human rights group must stop any work in Russia, and those accused of cooperating with or supporting it will be exposed to criminal prosecution.
This could even include anyone who shares Amnesty International's reports on social media.
Russia currently recognises 223 entities as 'undesirable' organisations, including some prominent independent, as well as Western-backed news outlets and rights groups. Some of those include Transparency International, Latvia-based outlet Meduza, and US-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL).
Amnesty International was established in 1961 to document and report human rights violations around the globe and campaign for the release of those deemed unjustly imprisoned.
The organisation won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977, having been recognised 'for worldwide respect for human rights' and efforts to combat torture, advocate for prisoners of conscience, and promote global adherence to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
In addition to covering human rights violations during the Ukraine war, the group has documented massacres in the Gaza Strip and Israeli apartheid, as well as atrocities in Sudan and many other countries.
Moscow has intensified its crackdown on human rights groups and civil society organisations as relations with the West plummeted over the Ukraine war and the expansion of NATO.
This has included expanding the 'undesirable' and 'foreign agent' designations to shut down opposing voices, as well as the suppression of some minority groups' rights.
The move on Monday came as US President Donald Trump was due to hold a phone call with both Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy amid efforts to end the fighting.
The diplomatic efforts follow inconclusive direct talks, the first in three years, between delegations from Ukraine and Russia in Turkiye's Istanbul on Friday.
The brief talks yielded only an agreement to swap 1,000 prisoners of war, according to the heads of both delegations, in what would be their biggest such exchange since the war began.
A senior Ukrainian official familiar with the talks said Russian negotiators demanded Kyiv pull its troops out of all its regions claimed by Moscow before they would agree to a ceasefire. That is a red line for Ukraine, and as it stands, Russia does not have full control in those regions.
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Al Jazeera
a day ago
- Al Jazeera
The US has checked out. Can Europe stop Putin alone?
The United States was once Ukraine's most important ally – supplying arms, funding and political cover as Kyiv fought for its sovereignty. But today, Washington is losing interest. President Donald Trump, more at home on the golf course than in a war room, is pulling away from a conflict he no longer seems to care to understand. Trump has not hidden his disdain. He has echoed Kremlin narratives, questioned NATO's relevance and reduced Ukraine's defence to a punchline. Even his recent comment that Russian President Vladimir Putin has 'gone absolutely crazy' does little to undo years of indulgence and indifference. He has not become a credible peace broker or a consistent supporter of Ukraine. His words now carry little weight – and Kyiv is paying the price. Just last week, Ukraine launched what it called Operation Spiderweb, a coordinated series of drone strikes deep inside Russian territory. Dozens of aircraft were destroyed at airfields, and key military infrastructure was disrupted. The White House swiftly denied any US involvement. Trump responded by again threatening to 'walk away' from the war. Shortly afterwards, a second round of peace talks in Istanbul collapsed. The only agreement reached was a sombre one: the exchange of the remains of 6,000 fallen soldiers. That may help bring closure to grieving families – but it has done nothing to alter the course of the war. Trump's belated proposal – relayed by White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt – that he supports direct talks between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Putin sounded more like political theatre than diplomacy. The moment had already passed. It is Trump – not Zelenskyy – who now lacks leverage. And with the US pulling back from its traditional security leadership, the burden is shifting decisively to Europe. Despite the brutality of Russia's invasion in 2022, American officials have frequently treated Kyiv as the side to pressure and Moscow as the side to appease. European leaders pushed back – but mostly with words. They posted pledges of 'unwavering support' yet hesitated to take full ownership of Europe's defence. Now, as US military aid slows and Trump continues to distance himself from the war, Europe faces a historic reckoning. For the first time in nearly 80 years, the continent stands alone. The future of NATO – the alliance created after World War II to ensure collective defence – is in question. Ukraine's ability to resist Russian aggression increasingly depends on European guarantees. Can Europe meet the moment? Can a loose coalition of willing nations evolve into a durable security bloc? And can it do so without the US? As of early 2025, Ukraine was meeting roughly 40 percent of its own military needs, according to the Centre for Security and Cooperation in Kyiv. Europe provided 30 percent and the US the remaining 30 percent. To sustain the fight, Europe must now do more – quickly. The alternative would be disastrous. The Kiel Institute for the World Economy has estimated that if Russia were to occupy Ukraine, it could cost Germany alone 10 to 20 times more than maintaining current levels of support – due to refugee flows, energy instability, economic disruptions and defence risks. One of Ukraine's most urgent needs is ammunition – particularly artillery shells. Until recently, the US was the main supplier. As American deliveries decline, Ukraine is burning through its reserves. Europe is now scrambling to fill the gap. The problem is scale. Europe's arms industry has long been underdeveloped. It is only now beginning to respond. According to European Union Commissioner for Defence and Space Andrius Kubilius, the bloc aims to produce 2 million artillery shells annually by the end of 2025. This would just meet Ukraine's minimum battlefield requirements. A particularly ambitious initiative is a Czech-led plan to procure and deliver up to 1.8 million shells to Ukraine by the end of next year. Confirmed by Czech President Petr Pavel in May and backed by Canada, Norway, the Netherlands, Denmark and other countries, the effort is one of the few on track to make a meaningful impact – if it arrives on time. Germany has also moved beyond donations. In late May, Defence Minister Boris Pistorius signed an agreement with his Ukrainian counterpart, Rustem Umerov, to cofinance the production of long-range weapons inside Ukraine, tapping into local industrial and engineering capacity. The United Kingdom remains one of Kyiv's most dependable allies. On Wednesday, London announced a new 350-million-pound ($476m) drone package – part of a broader 4.5-billion-pound ($6.1bn) support pledge. It includes 100,000 drones by 2026, a substantial increase on previous commitments. But war is not waged with weapons alone. Financial and economic power matter too. Trump recently told Fox News that US taxpayer money was being 'pissed away' in Ukraine. The remark was not only crude – it was also misleading. Since 2022, the US has provided about $128bn in aid to Ukraine, including $66.5bn in military assistance. Meanwhile, the EU and its member states have contributed about 135 billion euros ($155bn), including 50 billion euros ($57bn) in military support, 67 billion euros ($77bn) in financial and humanitarian aid, and 17 billion euros ($19.5bn) for refugee programmes. The UK has added another 12.8 billion pounds ($17.4 billion). These are not gifts. They are strategic investments – meant to prevent far higher costs if Russia succeeds in its imperial project. Europe has also led on sanctions. Since 2014 – and with renewed urgency since 2022 – it has imposed 17 successive rounds of measures targeting Russia's economy. None has ended the war, but each has taken a toll. On May 20, one day after a reportedly warm call between Trump and Putin, the EU and UK unveiled their most sweeping sanctions package yet. It included nearly 200 vessels from Russia's so-called shadow fleet, used to smuggle oil and circumvent global price caps. Some estimates, including AI-assisted modelling, suggest the sanctions could cost Russia $10bn to $20bn per year if loopholes are closed and enforcement holds. Even partial implementation would disrupt Moscow's wartime revenue. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas was clear: 'The longer Russia wages war, the tougher our response.' Europe is beginning to back that promise with action. From drones to shells, sanctions to weapons production, the continent is finally moving from statements to strategy – slowly but steadily building the foundations of Ukrainian resilience and Russian defeat. But this momentum cannot stall. This is no longer just Ukraine's war. The US has stepped aside. Europe is no longer the backup plan. It is the last line of defence. If it fails, so does Ukraine – and with it, the idea of a secure, sovereign Europe. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.


Al Jazeera
a day ago
- Al Jazeera
Trump, Merz discuss trade, NATO spending and Russia's war on Ukraine
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has called on the US to apply more pressure on Russia to end its three-year-old war on Ukraine. 'You know that we gave support to Ukraine and that we are looking for more pressure on Russia,' Merz told US President Donald Trump at the start of their meeting on Thursday at the Oval Office. Merz emphasised that Germany 'was on the side of Ukraine', while Trump likened the war to a fight between two young children who hated each other. 'Sometimes, you're better off letting them fight for a while and then pulling them apart,' Trump said. He added that he had relayed that analogy to Russian President Vladimir Putin in their phone conversation on Wednesday. Asked about Trump's comments as the two leaders sat next to each other, Merz stressed that both he and Trump agreed 'on this war and how terrible this war is going on,' pointing to the US president as the 'key person in the world' who would be able to stop the bloodshed. 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Trump and Merz have spoken several times by phone, either bilaterally or with other European leaders, since Merz took office on May 6. German officials say the two leaders have started to build a 'decent' relationship, with Merz wanting to avoid the antagonism that defined Trump's relationship with one of his predecessors, Angela Merkel, in the Republican president's first term. The 69-year-old Merz, who came to office with an extensive business background, is a conservative former rival of Merkel's who took over her party after she retired from politics. Merz has thrown himself into diplomacy on Ukraine, travelling to Kyiv with fellow European leaders days after taking office and receiving Zelenskyy in Berlin last week. He has thanked Trump for his support for an unconditional ceasefire while rejecting the idea of 'dictated peace' or the 'subjugation' of Ukraine and advocating for more sanctions against Russia. In their first phone call since Merz became chancellor, Trump said he would support the efforts of Germany and other European countries to achieve peace, according to a readout from the German government. Merz also said last month that 'it is of paramount importance that the political West not let itself be divided, so I will continue to make every effort to produce the greatest possible unity between the European and American partners.' Under Merz's immediate predecessor, Olaf Scholz, Germany became the second-biggest supplier of military aid to Ukraine after the United States. Merz has promised to keep up the support and last week, pledged to help Ukraine develop its own long-range missile systems that would be free of any imposed range limits. At home, Merz's government is intensifying a drive that Scholz started to bolster the German military after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In Trump's first term, Berlin was a target of his ire for failing to meet the current NATO target of spending 2 percent of gross domestic product on defence, and Trump is now demanding at least 5 percent from allies. The White House official said the upcoming NATO summit in the Netherlands later this month is a 'good opportunity' for Germany to commit to meeting that 5 percent mark. During their meeting on Thursday, Trump described Merz as a good representative of Germany and also 'difficult,' which he suggested was a compliment. He said US troops would remain in Germany and said it was positive that Berlin was spending more money on defence. Another top priority for Merz is to get Germany's economy, Europe's biggest, moving again after it shrank the past two years. He wants to make it a 'locomotive of growth,' but Trump's tariff threats are a potential obstacle for a country whose exports have been a key strength. At present, the economy is forecast to stagnate in 2025. Germany exported $160bn worth of goods to the US last year, according to the Census Bureau. That was about $85bn more than what the US sent to Germany, a trade deficit that Trump wants to erase. 'Germany is one of the very big investors in America,' Merz told reporters Thursday morning. 'Only a few countries invest more than Germany in the USA. We are in third place in terms of foreign direct investment.' The United States and the European Union are in talks to reach a trade deal, which would be critical for Germany's export-heavy economy, but Trump said he would be fine with an agreement or with tariffs. 'We'll end up hopefully with a trade deal,' Trump said. 'I'm OK with the tariffs, or we make a deal with the trade.'


Al Jazeera
a day ago
- Al Jazeera
Trump: Russia, Ukraine like ‘two children fighting in a park'
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