Legal showdown looms as Cape Union Mart takes PSC to court over 'genocide funder' claims
Cape Union Mart has been called out by the PSC numerous times as 'supporting genocide', referring to the current ongoing genocide taking place in Gaza.
International retailer Cape Union Mart has approached the Western Cape High Court to seek an interdict restraining the local organisation, Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC), from labelling them as supporting genocide.
The retailer has been called out by the PSC numerous times as "supporting genocide", referring to the current ongoing genocide taking place in Gaza as the Israelis continue to martyr the Palestinian people.
In court papers, which IOL has seen, Cape Union Mart is cited as the first applicant, and the second applicant is owner and executive chairman Philip Krawits.
The respondents are five activists from the PSC, and the sixth respondent is unidentified protesters, and the seventh respondent is the PSC.
In its application, Cape Union Mart asked the court to interdict/restrain PSC from harassing and intimidating customers and staff.

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IOL News
2 hours ago
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Israelis are trapped in a narrative that diminishes their empathy
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After heated debates and consultations with close friends and family, I decided to take the job and allow myself to remain in it for no more than one year. What followed was an immersion into a world of contradictions: people who could be unfailingly polite one minute and, the next, perfectly comfortable with justifying the most brutal violence against a neighboring people. On the surface, the workplace was professional and respectful. I was treated, day after day, with a courtesy that one might expect between colleagues. Yet, beneath that veneer was a collective blindness so complete it bordered on willful ignorance. Nearly every Israeli I worked with was solidly behind the so-called war in Gaza - a war that has wrought devastation on countless Palestinian families. But in our personal interactions, there was no trace of hostility directed at me. It was, perhaps, a cold civility, a compartmentalisation. 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The prior expressed, quite briefly, a sense of guilt and sympathy for the suffering meted out on Gaza's population, only to catch himself mid-thought and shut it down. This self-censorship spoke volumes about the social and political pressures framing their collective conscience. It was as if empathy was a forbidden language, one spoken in whispers and quickly silenced. New Israeli colleagues who joined the company would instinctively raise an eyebrow and thus reveal their surprise at working alongside a South African Muslim. After initial introductions, they would slip into Hebrew—and I, despite not knowing the language, caught words like 'Islam' and 'Hamas' or 'Muslim' tossed around as they questioned their colleagues about me. The assumption was clear: I was an outsider, a symbol of a feared adversary rather than a fellow professional. Their lack of awareness that I could decipher the gist of these conversations only added to the disquiet, exposing the undercurrent of suspicion tinted by their worldview. One cultural detail stood out starkly: Israeli humour. Sharp, irreverent, often self-deprecating, it serves as a coping mechanism, a way to digest centuries of Jewish suffering and historical trauma. This humour is a shield, yes, but it also carries within it a troubling darkness. When turned toward Palestinians, it twists into a form of dehumanisation. What may appear as lighthearted banter becomes a language of dismissal, a way to justify or obscure brutality. The genocide unfolding in Gaza was routinely framed to me not as a moral abyss, but as a necessary war, a defensive act sanctioned by history and circumstance. The concept of a 'just war' was a collective refrain. This raises questions few Israelis openly ask. 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Yet, this victimhood blinds them to the equally long and painful history of dispossession, displacement and occupation of the Palestinians that has lasted for generations. Between January and September 2023, hundreds of Palestinian children were killed in the West Bank alone. The year leading up to October 7 of that year marked one of the deadliest periods for children in that area, with shootings, military raids and settler violence exacting a grim toll. This is not collateral damage; it is a steady drumbeat of violence that Israeli society often views through a lens of justification or necessary security measures. And the irony runs deeper still. Many Israelis today label the United Nations, whose 1947 partition plan granted them statehood, as an antisemitic institution. Once a facilitator of their national birth, the UN is now vilified in Israeli political discourse. Any criticism of Israel is spun as antisemitism, a tactic that shields policies of occupation and ethnic cleansing from serious scrutiny. This twisting of history and language creates a fortress of denial that's hard to breach from within. The cultural dynamics within Israeli society also reveal hints of strain and neurosis. Conversations in offices and meetings were often marked by a staccato exchange of raised voices, constant interruptions and people talking over one another. There was little space for quiet reflection or agreement when it came to the smallest of work-related matters. This cacophony felt emblematic of a society in tension, split within itself. It reflected an internal fracturing just as much as the external fractures with their neighbours and much of the rest of the world, for that matter. When it comes to the broader political landscape, one cannot ignore the role of Israeli leadership, particularly that of Benjamin Netanyahu and other genocidal and messianic Zionists like Itamar Ben-Gvir and their ilk. Under Netanyahu's long and controversial tenure, fear has become an instrument of power. The government's narrative frames Palestinians as existential threats and justifies the most extreme violence in their name. This strategy of fear-mongering is a masterful exercise in brainwashing, blinding many Israelis to the fact that their real enemies are not external powers like Iran, but their own government's depletion of moral compass and international standing. Netanyahu's policies have consistently fueled instability in the region rather than security. A recent report by Haaretz, Israel's leading liberal newspaper, highlights that more than 80 percent of Israelis support the forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza. 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Protesters take to the streets with images of Palestinian victims, often facing abuse and hostility from neighbours. Writers like the courageous Gideon Levy and others dare to voice truths that many shy away from. These Israelis separate Judaism from Zionism, exposing the dangerous conflation that blinds so many. Their courage offers a vital counter-narrative and reminds us that Israel is not a monolith. After my 12 months with the company, I left with a sense of profound sadness, tempered by cautious hope. I had witnessed up close how a society shaped by its own history of suffering could, in many ways, become blind to the suffering it inflicts on others. Israelis are not villains born in a vacuum; they are human beings, complex and capable of kindness, yet trapped in a narrative that numbs their empathy and justifies acts that should shock any conscience. The entitlement and fear that fuel this blindness are not just political tools, but have seeped into the fabric of everyday life, feeding a collective mood of anxiety and suspicion that corrodes trust within and without.

TimesLIVE
4 hours ago
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eNCA
a day ago
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