Putin makes shock unannounced visit to nuclear plant after retaking Kursk
Vladimir Putin made a surprise inspection at a nuclear plant in Kursk, in his first visit to the region since Russian forces claimed they ejected Ukrainian troops from the area last month.
Video footage posted by Russian state media shows Putin walking around the plant in a hard hat, where he speaks to officials.
The Russian president met volunteer organisations in the city of Kurchatov, as well as visiting the Kursk nuclear power plant, which is currently under construction.
In April, the Kremlin said that it had expelled forces from Kyiv from the region, ending the largest incursion into Russian territory since World War Two.
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The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Russia launches barrage on Kyiv after vowing revenge for Ukrainian attack on bomber fleet
A Russian missile and drone attack on Kyiv killed four people and wounded 20, with 16 people in hospital on Friday morning, according to authorities in Kyiv. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Russia had launched more than 400 drones and more than 40 missiles at Ukraine. A residential block in the Solomianskyi district took severe damage and more than 2,000 households in Kyiv's eastern bank remained without electricity on Friday morning. Russia has vowed to take revenge on Ukraine after Monday's audacious drone attack on the country's bomber fleet, known as Operation Spiderweb
The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
‘He's a bulldog': The man behind the success of Operation Spiderweb
It was unsurprising to those who know Vasily Malyuk, the head of Ukraine's security service (SBU), that his statement announcing the success of Operation Spiderweb had a certain physicality to it. The audacious drone attacks on distant bases hosting Russia's strategic bombers was 'a serious slap in the face to Russia's power', said Malyuk, 42, a sometime boxer and weightlifter. 'Our strikes will continue as long as Russia terrorises Ukrainians with missiles and Shahed drones.' Shaven headed and with the physique and bearing of a stereotypical nightclub bouncer, Malyuk has led the SBU since the former holder of the office, Ivan Bakanov, a childhood friend of Volodymyr Zelenskyy, was fired in 2022 for incompetence. Malyuk had been his deputy. There have been high-profile successes over the last three years. One stunt – a photograph of Malyuk holding a bruised Dmitry Kozyura, the head of the SBU's counter intelligence, by the scruff of the neck at the time of his arrest on suspicion of being a Russian double agent – attracted the coverage for which it was designed. When Zakhar Prilepin, a Russian paramilitary leader, survived a suspected SBU sponsored assassination attempt, one of a series targeting Ukrainian foes at the time, Malyuk made headlines by commenting that Prilepin's 'pelvis and legs were severely injured, and, sorry, he lost his genitals'. 'Therefore, it is God's will that he continue to live and enjoy life', he added drily. Meanwhile, the SBU's own Sea Baby marine drones invention are credited with striking 11 Russian military ships and pushing the Black Sea fleet 'all the way to Novorossiysk'. Though none of this compares to the global attention drawn by the attacks of this first week in June, said to be masterminded by Malyuk. 'I am confident that the SBU operations led by Vasily Malyuk will be the subject of books and films', said one SBU officer on condition of anonymity. 'Because compared to what the security service is doing now, Hollywood is nervously smoking on the sidelines.' The numbers of Russian aircraft permanently put out of action by the attack on four bases on Monday is disputed with the Ukrainians, who claim that figure to be 41. US intelligence officials suggest that 10 combat aircraft were destroyed and up to 20 damaged. Whatever the physical cost, and it was heavy, the footage of the 117 drones flying out from the top of lorries to strike deep into Russia, and without the aid of western weaponry, has arguably struck a tougher psychological blow. Ukraine's foreign affairs minister Serhiy Kyslytsya claimed it had 'changed the paradigm and dynamics' of the faltering peace talks with Russia in Istanbul on Tuesday. It was followed with a massive underwater blast targeting the key road and rail bridge connecting the Russian-occupied Crimean peninsula to Russia, damaging its underwater supports. The attacks were serious enough for Vladimir Putin to inform Donald Trump in a transatlantic call that he would 'respond'. Four people in Kyiv were killed in the early hours of Friday morning after that vengeance was delivered in the form of a heavy barrage and drone attack on the capital. So who is the security chief who has got Putin's attention? 'He's a bulldog,' said one senior Ukrainian official who has worked closely with Malyuk. 'He isn't an intellectual, he doesn't reflect, or hesitate. He is purposeful. 'But he isn't evil– that's important,' the source added. 'Often those heading these organisations are evil. Malyuk doesn't want to hurt anyone but he knows that sometimes he has to.' Malyuk was born in the city of Korostyshiv, 80 miles west of Kyiv, and it is said he was determined join the SBU after it emerged as an independent body from the KGB following the break-up of the Soviet Union. He enrolled at 17 and attended the SBU's academy, finding friends most easily among those with a mutual appreciation of sport and exercise, and graduating with a degree in jurisprudence in 2005. 'He was very calm in his youth,' said a source who knew him then. 'He was always physically very strong. He was constantly training in the gym. He believes that when a person goes in for sports, he is disciplined and organised. He used to box, they say he injured his arm at some stage.' Unlike the British or American domestic counter-intelligence, the SBU rolls up secret service operations with the sort of tasks that might fall to the police and special forces. Malyuk spent a large part of his career in anti-corruption and tackling organised crime. He rose to the position of deputy head of the SBU in his local city by 2019 which was when he first came across Zelenskyy, who was in the first months of his presidency. 'He got into a helicopter with Zelenskyy and began to show him all the violations in the Zhytomyr region,' said an SBU source. 'He showed him where amber was being illegally mined. Zelenskyy was impressed and said, 'I give Malyuk the authority to deal with these problems.'' A few months before Russia launched its full-scale war, there was a brief sojourn into the world of politics when he was made a deputy to the interior minister Denys Monastyrsky. Sources said that he had never shown any ambition for a political career, something that has recommended him to many in intelligence circles, and he swiftly rejoined the SBU after Russia's invasion. The SBU was in a sorry state. The head of the spy agency in the Kherson region had withdrawn his agents ahead of Russia's occupation against Zelenskyy's orders. Bakanov, in what would turn out to be one of his last acts as chief, had enrolled his son into the service so ensuring he would avoid mobilisation. Russian agents were widely regarded to have penetrated the organisation. Malyuk is said to have set as a priority the task of turning out the moles. 'One of the good signs of Operation Spiderweb is that it didn't leak,' said one senior member of Ukraine's security. 'He has got rid of a lot of traitors. Not every one of them, as that's not possible. But a lot.' Malyuk also personally took an interest in the so-called Alpha unit within the SBU to carry out operations on and behind the frontline to which he is a regular visitor. According to the service, since February the SBU has been responsible for destroying nearly 2,000 tanks, more than 3,000 armoured vehicles and host of aircraft, rocket launch systems and military facilities, including ammunition depots, as well as over 30 oil refineries. It is widely accepted that Malyuk himself would not have dreamed up Operation Spiderweb but he had the ability to see the potential and have the ear of the president. 'This idea was born deep inside the security services,' said Ivan Stupak, who was an SBU agent between 2004 and 2015. 'And this idea went directly to Mr Malyuk. He liked this idea. And there was one more obstacle, President Zelenskyy. There was high chance that Mr Zelenskyy would will reject this idea but Mr Malyuk convinced Mr Zelenskyy.' Yuri Butusov, a military journalist, said that Malyuk had also enabled the operation by disregarding hierarchy and pushing forward young agents and risk-takers. Unlike some at the top of government, his focus was on winning the war rather than factional disputes within the administration, he suggested. 'Malyuk has given the freedom of action and resources to promote very decisive, very responsible leaders, some of them very young people,' Butusov said. 'They are risk-takers. He is very different to other people in power. He sets aside political influence, economic and business interests.' Sources inside the government said they did not believe it was Malyuk's decision to publicise the operations to this extent. 'Zelenskyy is all about media attention, he eats and drinks it,' said one government source. Malyuk, in contrast, is said to keep his comments to the point when briefing minsters and expects a similar lack of verbosity from those within his service. Sources said the power and success had yet to go to Malyuk's head. 'If he sees problems in the heads of departments, he becomes tough,' said a second SBU officer. 'But in general, he is constructive. He gives his subordinates the time he thinks they need to complete their tasks. It's easier to govern when you have carte blanche. But you still need to earn carte blanche. And Malyuk earned this carte blanche.'
Daily Mail
2 hours ago
- Daily Mail
Putin's nuclear revenge: Why Kyiv's devastating drone attack could be trigger for Russia to use tactical nukes in Ukraine
Ukraine's breathtaking drone operation that heralded the destruction of Russian bomber aircraft thousands of miles from the border has raised fears Kyiv 's forces may have crossed a threshold set out in Moscow's nuclear weapon use policy. Operation Spiderweb, conducted Sunday by Ukraine's security services (SBU), saw more than a hundred drones destroy and damage at least a dozen strategic bombers capable of carrying nuclear weapons after being smuggled across Russia on trucks. The drones were reportedly piloted by Ukrainian operatives housed in a building close to an office of Russia's FSB security service and successfully evaded detection in a scathing indictment of Russia's intelligence apparatus. While the attack may not have significantly impacted Moscow 's immediate warfighting capabilities, it showed a willingness and a capability on the part of Ukraine to threaten some of Russia's most prized military assets - up to and including parts of its nuclear triad. Several civilians have already been killed in retributive barrages of drone and missile attacks unleashed by Putin's forces on towns and cities across Ukraine, including Kyiv, since the attacks unfolded on Sunday. But these brutal bombardments are likely just one part of Russia's revenge. US President Donald Trump claimed Putin said that he had to retaliate during a call between the two leaders, before the Kremlin yesterday issued an official statement saying it would choose 'how and when' to respond. Then this morning, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov elevated the rhetoric, telling reporters in Moscow that the war in Ukraine is an 'existential issue for Russia's national interest, safety, on our future and the future of our children'. Now, analysts and officials have warned the daring drone strikes could be considered in Moscow to have crossed a red line set out in Russia's nuclear doctrine, opening up the prospect of a tactical nuclear weapon being deployed on Ukrainian soil. Putin in November signed off on an updated version of the Kremlin's nuclear doctrine that broadened the scope for Moscow to turn to its fearsome atomic arsenal on the same day that US-made missiles rained down on Russian soil. The new document, which replaced the previous iteration outlined in 2020, allows Putin's strategic forces to deploy their devastating weapons if Russia or ally Belarus is threatened by a non-nuclear nation supported by a nuclear power. It also greenlit the use of nuclear weapons in the event of attacks by an adversary on important state or military infrastructure that could potentially disrupt the actions of Russia's nuclear forces. Threats that could warrant a nuclear response from Russia's leadership include an attack with conventional missiles, aircraft or drones, according to the updated document. It is unclear whether any of Ukraine's nuclear-powered backers in the West - namely the US, UK and France - were in any way responsible for supporting the planning or execution of Operation Spiderweb. But George Beebe, Director of Grand Strategy at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft and former director of Russia analysis at the CIA, said there is a real possibility that Putin's inner circle may believe that to be the case. 'They might well look at this situation and decide that this was a joint attack - that the Ukrainians could not have pulled this off without the knowledge and support of the United States or our NATO allies in Europe,' he told Foreign Policy magazine. 'Now, whether that is true or not, the danger here is that Russians might perceive that to be the case. 'We're dealing with a situation here where the Russians may be concerned that Trump is doing just what people accuse Putin of doing - namely, talking about peace while conducting war.' In November, when Western-made missiles launched by Ukrainian forces struck targets in Russia, Moscow delivered a clear signal that it was serious about lowering the threshold for nuclear conflict. Days later, Putin's forces delivered a punishing strike on Ukraine's Dnipro region with an intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM) dubbed 'Oreshnik' - which is believed to have been derived from the RS-26 missile capable of carrying multiple nuclear warheads. Earlier this week, Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova hinted that Western nations aided Kyiv in carrying out Operation Spiderweb. 'The West is involved in the terrorist activities of the Kiev regime... The countries of the 'collective West' supply weapons specifically for the purpose of committing terrorist acts,' she said in a statement. Some analysts have pointed out that Ukraine's attack, while more shocking than any prior assault on Russian strategic assets, was still carefully calculated to show restraint. The operation sought to damage Russia's Tu-22 and Tu-95 bomber aircraft, which have been frequently deployed since the start of the war to deliver conventional air-launched missile attacks on Ukraine. Although both the Tu-22 and Tu-95 are capable of carrying strategic nuclear weapons, that role is largely the reserve of Russia's fleet of Tu-160 'BlackJack' planes. These advanced, heavy strategic bombers are seen as a cornerstone of Russia's airborne nuclear deterrent, able to fly some 12,500 kilometres while carrying up to 40 tonnes of ordnance - and have largely remained absent from the Ukraine conflict. Kyiv, despite clearly boasting the capability to strike Russia's airborne assets thousands of kilometres from the border, chose not to target Tu-160s en masse - a move that could signal Volodymyr Zelensky's understanding of Moscow's limits and one which offers the Kremlin some wiggle room when plotting its response. But Beebe warned that Ukraine's operation was likely to cause a rapid escalation in the conflict regardless, reasoning that those close to Putin will be saying 'we can't afford not to respond, because if we don't, this will just cement this impression that Ukraine and its allies in the West can just continue to push across all Russian red lines'. For now though, it seems Ukrainian citizens will simply have to contend with an ever increasing threat of conventional drone and missile strikes. Russia targeted at least six regions across the country with 407 drones and 44 missiles in one of its largest coordinated attacks of the three-year war overnight into today. Kyiv mayor Vitali Klitschko said search and rescue operations are underway at several locations in the city. Multiple explosions were heard in Kyiv, where falling debris sparked fires across several districts as air defence systems attempted to intercept incoming targets, according to Tymur Tkachenko, head of the Kyiv City Administration. 'Our air defence crews are doing everything possible. But we must protect one another - stay safe,' Tkachenko wrote on Telegram. Ukrainian air force spokesperson Yurii Ihnat said the barrage included ballistic and cruise missiles, as well as a mix of strike drones and decoys. Ukrainian forces said they shot down about 30 of the cruise missiles and up to 200 of the drones. Ukrainian cities have come under regular bombardment since Russia invaded its neighbour in February 2022. The attacks have killed more than 12,000 civilians, according to the United Nations. Meanwhile in the UK, Britain's Strategic Defence Review (SDR) has warned of what the UK could expect to face in the event of a conflict with Russia as concern grows over the potential consequences of Operation Spiderweb. In a comprehensive 144-page document unveiled by Prime Minister Keir Starmer and Defence Secretary John Healey earlier this week, defence chiefs outlined the five terrifying 'methods of attack' Britain should brace itself for. Military bases, ports and airfields in the UK would be the first to come under siege, blasted by waves of drones and long-range cruise, ballistic or hypersonic missiles. Oil rigs, subsea cables, satellite communications and merchant vessels would also find themselves in the crosshairs of any onslaught by Russian tyrant Vladimir Putin, with saboteurs seeking to damage or destroy them. And a shadowy digital army of hackers would also launch a devastating barrage of cyber attacks, targeting government bodies, stock exchanges, communications and other critical infrastructure in a bid to paralyse Britain. The SDR warned: 'Based on the current way of war, if the UK were to fight a state-on-state war as part of NATO in 2025, it could expect to be subject to some or all of the following methods of attack: Attacks on the armed forces in the UK and on overseas bases Air and missile strikes from long range drones, cruise and ballistic missiles targeting military infrastructure and critical national infrastructure Increased sabotage and cyber attacks Attempts to disrupt the UK economy - especially the industry that supports the armed forces - through cyber attacks, intercepting shipping trade and attacks on space-based infrastructure
