Bond reform: Victim advocates celebrate compromise on Texas constitutional amendment
The Brief
Victim advocates celebrated an apparent bi-partisan compromise on bond reform at the Texas House on Tuesday.
The proposed Constitutional amendment would give judges discretion to deny bail to violent defenders.
The measure needs the support of at least 12 House Democrats.
SJR 5 passed out of committee on a 10-1 vote, including support from Democratic Caucus Chair Gene Wu.
HOUSTON - Victim advocates at the center of the fight for tougher bail restrictions are cautiously celebrating a compromise measure poised to pass the House with the 100 votes necessary to place it before voters on the statewide ballot.
What we know
SJR 5, along with other bond reform bills, was passed out of the House Jurisprudence Committee with support from Democratic Caucus Chair Gene Wu and Houston Representative Jolanda Jones.
Both Gov. Greg Abbott and Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick have threatened to force a special session if Democrats block the measure. Progressive groups, including the ACLU, oppose SJR 5, contending it denies due process, presumption of innocence and the constitutional guarantee of access to bail pending trial.
Victim advocates say 200 people in Harris County alone have been killed since 2020 by repeat offenders granted bail as they awaited trial for other alleged crimes.
What we don't know
As of now, it's uncertain how many of the 62 House Democrats will join Republicans when SJR-5 hits the floor for a vote.
Political analysts say Democrats who vote "no" risk the campaign label "soft on crime" in their next re-election bid.
What they're saying
Fox 26 spoke with Andy Kahan of Crime Stoppers Houston and public safety crusader April Aguirre about the latest development.
Aguirre believes the legislation is heading in the right direction.
"Since our constitution was written here in the state of Texas in1847, criminal behavior has evolved and we have to evolve to match the criminal element," Aguirre said. "Unfortunately, right now we are not doing that. Criminals have become more violent. We are not targeting the Walmart shoplifter. We are targeting murderers, people who commit sexual assaults against children and people who want to commit aggravated robbery. It is time we hold these people accountable and keep Texans safe."
Kahan weighed in on how the proposal will affect Texans' safety.
"All along, we have always felt that Texas voters should be able to decide whether judges should have discretion not to grant bond to defendants charged with certain violent crimes, and I truly believe the murder of Jocylin Nungaray put this over the tipping edge," said Kahan. "When people found out that the two defendants charged with her murder were actually given a bond, albeit a very high bond, people were outraged, and we were saying, 'the judge has no choice.'"
Aguirre believes that had the law been in place earlier, many victims would still be alive today.
"There's just no question," Aguirre said. "We are giving second, third and fourth chances to criminals who have not earned that and have not been rehabilitated. We are simply cutting them loose."
"The judges I have spoken with have told me we need discretion and if you give them discretion it also means they don't have an excuse, and that means they are accountable to the voting public," said Kahan.
"Lawmakers must choose, support the safety of the people they represent or the criminals who kill them," said Abbott during a recent speech in Houston.
What's next
SJR-15 will require the support of 100 of the 150 House members to gain approval. If that happens, the Texas Senate, which overwhelmingly approved its version of the same bill, would consider the House measure and potentially negotiate changes acceptable to both chambers before a final vote.
The Source
Information in this article came from Fox 26 coverage at the Texas Capitol.
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For reference, there are nearly 200,000 athletes and 350 schools in Division I alone and 500,000 and 1,100 schools across the entire NCAA. Q: How much will the schools pay the athletes and where will the money come from? A: In Year 1, each school can share up to about $20.5 million with their athletes, a number that represents 22% of their revenue from things like media rights, ticket sales and sponsorships. Alabama athletic director Greg Byrne famously told Congress 'those are resources and revenues that don't exist.' Some of the money will come via ever-growing TV rights packages, especially for the College Football Playoff. But some schools are increasing costs to fans through 'talent fees,' concession price hikes and 'athletic fees' added to tuition costs. Q: What about scholarships? Wasn't that like paying the athletes? A: Scholarships and 'cost of attendance' have always been part of the deal for many Division I athletes and there is certainly value to that, especially if athletes get their degree. The NCAA says its member schools hand out nearly $4 billion in athletic scholarships every year. But athletes have long argued that it was hardly enough to compensate them for the millions in revenue they helped produce for the schools, which went to a lot of places, including multimillion-dollar coaches' salaries. They took those arguments to court and won. Q: Haven't players been getting paid for a while now? A: Yes, since 2021. Facing losses in court and a growing number of state laws targeting its amateurism policies, the NCAA cleared the way for athletes to receive NIL money from third parties, including so-called donor-backed collectives that support various schools. Under House, the school can pay that money directly to athletes and the collectives are still in the game. 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A $2.8 billion settlement will change college sports forever. Here's how
A federal judge has approved terms of a sprawling $2.8 billion antitrust settlement that will upend the way college sports have been run for more than a century. In short, schools can now directly pay players through licensing deals — a concept that goes against the foundation of amateurism that college sports was built upon. Some questions and answers about this monumental change for college athletics: Q: What is the House settlement and why does it matter? A: Grant House is a former Arizona State swimmer who sued the defendants (the NCAA and the five biggest athletic conferences in the nation). His lawsuit and two others were combined and over several years the dispute wound up with the settlement that ends a decades-old prohibition on schools cutting checks directly to athletes. Now, each school will be able to make payments to athletes for use of their name, image and likeness (NIL). For reference, there are nearly 200,000 athletes and 350 schools in Division I alone and 500,000 and 1,100 schools across the entire NCAA. Q: How much will the schools pay the athletes and where will the money come from? A: In Year 1, each school can share up to about $20.5 million with their athletes, a number that represents 22% of their revenue from things like media rights, ticket sales and sponsorships. Alabama athletic director Greg Byrne famously told Congress 'those are resources and revenues that don't exist.' Some of the money will come via ever-growing TV rights packages, especially for the College Football Playoff. But some schools are increasing costs to fans through 'talent fees,' concession price hikes and 'athletic fees' added to tuition costs. Q: What about scholarships? Wasn't that like paying the athletes? A: Scholarships and 'cost of attendance' have always been part of the deal for many Division I athletes and there is certainly value to that, especially if athletes get their degree. The NCAA says its member schools hand out nearly $4 billion in athletic scholarships every year. But athletes have long argued that it was hardly enough to compensate them for the millions in revenue they helped produce for the schools, which went to a lot of places, including multimillion-dollar coaches' salaries. They took those arguments to court and won. Q: Haven't players been getting paid for a while now? A: Yes, since 2021. Facing losses in court and a growing number of state laws targeting its amateurism policies, the NCAA cleared the way for athletes to receive NIL money from third parties, including so-called donor-backed collectives that support various schools. Under House, the school can pay that money directly to athletes and the collectives are still in the game. Q: But will $20.5 million cover all the costs for the athletes? A: Probably not. But under terms of the settlement, third parties are still allowed to cut deals with the players. Some call it a workaround, but most simply view this as the new reality in college sports as schools battle to land top talent and then keep them on campus. Top quarterbacks are reportedly getting paid around $2 million a year, which would eat up about 10% of a typical school's NIL budget for all its athletes. Q: Are there any rules or is it a free-for-all? A: The defendant conferences (ACC, Big Ten, Big 12, SEC and Pac-12) are creating an enforcement arm that is essentially taking over for the NCAA, which used to police recruiting violations and the like. Among this new entity's biggest functions is to analyze third-party deals worth $600 or more to make sure they are paying players an appropriate 'market value' for the services being provided. The so-called College Sports Commission promises to be quicker and more efficient than the NCAA. Schools are being asked to sign a contract saying they will abide by the rules of this new structure, even if it means going against laws passed in their individual states. Q: What about players who played before NIL was allowed? A: A key component of the settlement is the $2.7 billion in back pay going to athletes who competed between 2016-24 and were either fully or partially shut out from those payments under previous NCAA rules. That money will come from the NCAA and its conferences (but really from the schools, who will receive lower-than-normal payouts from things like March Madness). Q: Who will get most of the money? A: Since football and men's basketball are the primary revenue drivers at most schools, and that money helps fund all the other sports, it stands to reason that the football and basketball players will get most of the money. But that is one of the most difficult calculations for the schools to make. There could be Title IX equity concerns as well. Q: What about all the swimmers, gymnasts and other Olympic sports athletes? A: The settlement calls for roster limits that will reduce the number of players on all teams while making all of those players – not just a portion – eligible for full scholarships. This figures to have an outsize impact on Olympic-sport athletes, whose scholarships cost as much as that of a football player but whose sports don't produce revenue. There are concerns that the pipeline of college talent for Team USA will take a hit. Q: So, once this is finished, all of college sports' problems are solved, right? A: The new enforcement arm seems ripe for litigation . There are also the issues of collective bargaining and whether athletes should flat-out be considered employees, a notion the NCAA and schools are generally not interested in, despite Tennessee athletic director Danny White's suggestion that collective bargaining is a potential solution to a lot of headaches. NCAA President Charlie Baker has been pushing Congress for a limited antitrust exemption that would protect college sports from another series of lawsuits but so far nothing has emerged from Capitol Hill. ___ AP college sports: Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .