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As an Iranian I am not happy with my government, but I won't allow Israel to dictate my future

As an Iranian I am not happy with my government, but I won't allow Israel to dictate my future

When you're on the brink of death, when only a few seconds separate you from survival or annihilation, it no longer matters whether the person in front of you is a friend or foe, guilty or innocent, a strong man or a frail teenage girl. In that moment, the only thing that matters is survival.
In 'Nothing and So Be It,' Oriana Fallaci recounts, time and again, how soldiers across various frontlines confessed to a shameful yet deeply human feeling: a wave of relief and even joy when a comrade was killed instead of them. 'When the bullet hit my friend and not me,' one soldier said, 'I was happy. Shamefully, I was truly happy he died and I lived.'
Fallaci herself describes a similar moment: flying in a military helicopter above villagers under fire, whispering a desperate prayer to survive, even if it meant others had to die.
This, precisely, is where we now stand.
As Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu escalates direct military attacks on Iranian soil under the pretext of halting Iran's nuclear program, radar sites in Germi, Tabriz, and Subashi in Hamadan have been hit. The attacks have claimed the lives of several air defense and air force officers, as well as many civilians and civilian infrastructure. These attacks reportedly used internal Mossad assets to devastating effect, bolstered by deep infiltration of Iran's intelligence apparatus and modeled after Ukrainian drone strikes on Russia.
Drones, micro-drones, and man-portable "Spike" missiles killed over 20 senior Iranian military commanders. The intelligence penetrated so deeply that it pinpointed the exact locations of these commanders' residences, meeting rooms, and even sleeping quarters months before the strikes. The post-operation discovery of trucks carrying micro-drones only underscores the terrifying extent of Mossad's reach into Iran's security systems.
Only the beginning
Iran's nuclear and military sites have come under intensified attack. Though Iran reportedly maintains around 5,000 air defense positions and nearly a hundred underground facilities, key sites such as Khondab (Arak), Fordow, and Natanz have been targeted. The Israelis obliterated Natanz's surface-level facility and inflicted significant damage on Isfahan.
Over the weekend, Israeli strikes extended to fuel refineries and energy infrastructure, threatening to push Iran into an energy crisis. Attacks on refineries in Tehran, Bandar Abbas, and even Abadan suggest a broader plan: not merely targeting military capacity, but delivering direct pain to the civilian population. Netanyahu's goal appears to have shifted from destroying Iran's nuclear infrastructure to breaking the country's backbone through sustained bombardment and psychological warfare. We have seen this strategy before — in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria.
But Iran is not Syria. Israel now aims to create the preconditions for civil conflict within Iran, a country of 90 million people marked by deep ethnic, religious, and political divisions. Armed opposition groups in Kurdistan and Baluchestan, millions of Afghan refugees, and the looming threat of ISIS-Khorasan have exposed Iran's internal vulnerabilities to dangerous levels. The central government, instead of tackling inequality and dissent, has heavily relied on repression.
In response, Iran launched retaliatory drone and missile attacks targeting parts of Israel, despite the latter's advanced defense systems and regional coordination. However, the vicious cycle continues unabated. Israel now appears to be drawing the United States into the conflict, though such escalation still legally requires Congressional approval. However, Netanyahu's ultimate objective might extend beyond simply stopping nuclear enrichment. It may well be to reduce Iran to rubble.
Let's be clear: airstrikes alone cannot eliminate Iran's nuclear program. But by pushing Iran toward social collapse and internal unrest, a regime change from within becomes more plausible. At the same time, the Iranian state seems unwilling — or unable — to manage the political fallout. Society is split: some mourn fallen Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders, others celebrate. Rather than healing this division, the government persists in repression, arrests, and silencing dissent. Despite shocking evidence of Mossad infiltration, Tehran has failed to reassess its security structure. Political prisoners remain behind bars. Streets remain policed, especially against women. There is no sign of reconciliation in sight.
Ironically, many Iranians, despite their grievances with the regime, oppose foreign military intervention. There was a fleeting sense of unity in the face of invasion. But this fragile cohesion cannot endure amid continued governmental mismanagement and authoritarianism. That very fracture is what Israel may exploit in its next move: turning external pressure into internal implosion — firepower and deprivation to enforce a silent regime change.
Perhaps some of Iran's younger generation, unfamiliar with the horrors of war and bombardment, initially viewed Netanyahu as an external counterweight to their oppressive state. But as airstrikes level homes and kill children, it becomes increasingly clear that an occupying army does not deliver peace or democracy.
The deaths of children in Tehran, regardless of their parents' ideology, reveal a painful truth: occupation doesn't distinguish between governments and people. The Islamic Republic is tyrannical, yes, but Netanyahu is even more ruthless. Some try to portray him as a friend of the Iranian people. That narrative is false. We've seen it in Lebanon. In Iraq. In Gaza. This is a lie presented as "humanitarian bombing".
This war, sparked by Tehran's miscalculations and Netanyahu's ambition, risks turning into a war among the people. And that would be a tragedy for every Iranian, whether Turk, Kurd, Persian, Lor, Arab, or Baluch. All of them, long oppressed, must understand: real change will not come from above or abroad. It must come from within.
It comes when governments realize that the people no longer stand behind them, and must turn back to them. Peace begins not with the West, but with justice at home. Israel not only struck nuclear facilities but, once again following its established doctrine, deliberately targeted children.
Despite its refusal to release footage of attacks on strategic military locations, Israel broadcast images of buildings struck by Iranian missiles, portraying itself as the victim. The narrative was clear: obscure military aggression, highlight civilian damage, and secure sympathy. But let's be honest, while I do not recognize any legitimacy in the government in Tehran, I certainly don't accept legitimacy from Israel to dictate my future.
We, people like me, can and must shape our destiny ourselves, not by the hands of a war criminal. Israel's war on Iran is not about prevention. It's about crippling Iran's infrastructure, fracturing its society, and pushing the country toward internal implosion.
(Reza Talebi is an academic researcher and lecturer at the University of Leipzig, Department of Oriental Studies and Religious Studies. Courtesy: Globalvoices.org.)

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