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International scrutiny after Indian man hospitalised in Adelaide arrest

International scrutiny after Indian man hospitalised in Adelaide arrest

9 News15 hours ago

The arrest of a 42-year-old Indian man in Adelaide has become the subject of intense international scrutiny.

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Local ‘wildlife watchers' turn conservationists in Pune's grasslands
Local ‘wildlife watchers' turn conservationists in Pune's grasslands

Hindustan Times

time31 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

Local ‘wildlife watchers' turn conservationists in Pune's grasslands

In an initiative which demonstrates that coexistence between wildlife and urban development is possible, more than 40 residents of villages around Pune – trained as 'wildlife watchers' to report sightings of elusive species such as the Indian grey wolf, striped hyena and leopard – have submitted over 350 verified reports covering more than 60 species of mammals, birds and reptiles within just six months. What's more, over 30 of these reports have prompted direct conservation interventions, including alerts about poaching and confirmations of breeding activity. This initiative, launched by The Grasslands Trust in partnership with the Pune forest department and Ashraya Hastha Trust, empowers local communities to become frontline conservationists through a custom mobile app and basic field kits. The 'Wildlife Watcher programme' is set in the grasslands and scrublands surrounding Pune, one of India's few megacities where large carnivores still inhabit human-dominated landscapes. Wolves, hyenas and leopards continue to roam these non-protected areas, making Pune a unique setting for such a grassroots' conservation model. The programme is built on the philosophy that conservation should be co-created with local communities rather than imposed from above. Unlike conventional methods that depend on expensive tools such as radio collars and centralised surveillance, this programme relies on traditional knowledge and the lived experience of local residents. Each participant receives a basic field kit comprising clothing, a torch, reusable water bottle, and simple field guide to support his/her work. Verified sightings are rewarded with recognition and upgraded tools such as binoculars, smartphones and trap cameras. Consistent contributors may also receive modest stipends in recognition of their role as biodiversity stewards. Mihir Godbole of The Grasslands Trust, said, 'Although launched just a few months ago in select areas around Pune—such as Saswad and Morgaon in the Purandar landscape—the programme is already showing remarkable results. Some watchers have even begun documenting animal behaviour and identifying individual animals by their markings; a clear sign that they are evolving into skilled naturalists.' Tushar Chavan, deputy conservator of forests (wildlife), Pune forest department, said, 'This initiative offers a dual advantage—it strengthens wildlife conservation while building awareness within the local community. People on the ground become more sensitised to the presence and importance of wildlife in their surroundings. Their involvement also provides real-time data that complements trap cameras, drone surveys, and other monitoring tools. Crucially, it helps us extend our reach into non-protected areas where wildlife continues to thrive outside formal boundaries.' Looking ahead, The Grasslands Trust aims to expand the Wildlife Watcher programme to other under-monitored and ecologically vulnerable landscapes across Maharashtra. 'But the focus remains on sustainability. We don't want a short-lived project that ends with funding. Our vision is to build a resilient, community-led conservation network that grows organically—driven by pride, purpose, and deep-rooted local knowledge,' Godbole said.

Patriotism vs posturing: The real battle for Bihar has begun
Patriotism vs posturing: The real battle for Bihar has begun

Hans India

time34 minutes ago

  • Hans India

Patriotism vs posturing: The real battle for Bihar has begun

Operation Sindoor has upended Bihar's political terrain, transforming a routine electoral fight into a high-stakes clash between unapologetic patriotism and political posturing. Prime Minister Modi's fiery rhetoric and nationalistic messaging have struck a deep chord in a state where voters rever military might and national pride. As Nitish Kumar fades and Chirag Paswan eyes the future, the NDA's internal unity remains its biggest challenge—and greatest opportunity. The INDIA bloc, still fumbling with mixed messages and confused alliances, risks alienating key constituencies, especially in rural and border areas. With women voters, youth, and even sections of Muslims responding to nationalism, old caste calculations are no longer enough. Populist promises from Tejaswi Yadav may grab headlines, but it is the emotion unleashed by Sindoor that could sway ballots. The 2025 Bihar election isn't just about power—it's a referendum on identity, vision, and the nation's soul Operation Sindoor has redrawn the political battlefield of Bihar. What was once a predictable clash of caste-based alliances is now being recast as a confrontation between nationalism and perceived political opportunism. The upcoming assembly elections are no longer just about governance—they're about identity, pride, and clarity of purpose. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's 'Chun Chun ke Marenge' declaration from Bihar and his recent references to how the Sindoor of Indian women turned into a missile against Pakistan have reignited patriotic fervour. For the NDA, this surge of nationalism is a potential game-changer. In a state where voters respond powerfully to military heroism and national security, the INDIA bloc's hesitation, silence, or criticism of Operation Sindoor may be seen as a betrayal, especially in rural and semi-urban constituencies. But sentiment alone won't win an election. The NDA still has a complicated internal equation to manage. The BJP's prospects depend significantly on maintaining unity and clarity of leadership. Nitish Kumar, once a towering figure in Bihar's politics, now finds himself on the back foot. His popularity has dropped to around 18%, his public appearances are rare, and his gaffes have only fuelled speculation about his fitness to continue. The opposition mocks him as the 'Bimar CM of a BIMARU state.' This vacuum creates an opportunity for a new generation of leadership. Bihar's youth, increasingly politically aware and aspirational, particularly those eyeing defence and government jobs, are inclined towards parties with a strong nationalistic and development-oriented image. This makes the BJP's potential promotion of Chirag Paswan a tantalising prospect. Paswan has declared his intent to shift focus from national to state politics, hinting at a possible leadership transition post-election. But declaring a CM face now could create tensions with Nitish's JD(U), so BJP may play the waiting game. Meanwhile, Tejashwi Yadav of the RJD, the INDIA bloc's youth mascot, is gearing up with populist promises like the Mai Bahini Maan Yojana (Rs 2500 monthly to women), subsidised LPG, and free electricity. Whether these freebies can match the emotional and nationalistic connect forged by Operation Sindoor remains to be seen. Over the last two decades, women voters have emerged as a decisive force in Bihar politics. Since 2010, their turnout has consistently outstripped that of men. Recognising this, the NDA has doubled down on gender-targeted welfare and infrastructure. Mahila Haats, pink toilets, women-only buses, subsidies for e-rickshaws, rental assistance for female cops, and reservations in BSRTC jobs are ongoing schemes. Educational schemes like free cycles, uniforms, and reserved seats in medical and engineering colleges further aim to consolidate the female vote bank. Still, Tejaswi's targeted cash handouts could lure some segments of this electorate, particularly in economically vulnerable zones. The battle for women's votes may end up being the election's hidden decider. Bihar's political DNA has long been dominated by caste arithmetic. Traditionally, JD(U) leaned on Kurmi-Koeri (upper backward classes) support, RJD on Yadav-Muslim votes, and BJP on upper castes and urban voters. But these boundaries are blurring. Operation Sindoor, and the strong reaction it evoked across demographics, may shift traditional loyalties. Even Yadav and Pasmanda (deprived and downtrodden) Muslim voters in border areas may reconsider their stance if they perceive the INDIA bloc's stance as undermining national pride. Added to that a deeper fatigue is also settling in among sections of the Muslim electorate, weary of being used as mere vote banks. Modi's push to reach out to Pasmanda Muslims and the nationalist tone of Operation Sindoor could further erode the INDIA bloc's Muslim consolidation. Several smaller but significant players are poised to split votes and inject volatility into the election. AIMIM, led by Asaduddin Owaisi, is riding a wave of popularity among young Muslims following his fiery support for Operation Sindoor and denunciation of Pakistan's misadventures. While the party has sent a lukewarm proposal to RJD for alliance, insiders see this as more about optics than intent. From its current tally of five seats, AIMIM could double its count—largely at the INDIA bloc's expense. Prashant Kishor's Jan Suraj, contesting all 243 seats, is running a campaign unlike any other. He doesn't ask for votes; instead, he offers solutions. 'Even I might betray you if I win—so don't believe anyone blindly,' he tells voters. His emphasis on governance and local problem-solving may not win him power, but it may cut into the anti-incumbency vote, hurting INDIA bloc more than the NDA. Left parties continue to fade into irrelevance, with their vote share shrinking rapidly. Bihar is not a monolith. Regional nuances will heavily influence the outcome: North Bihar, especially Seemanchal and Mithila, is fluid and unpredictable, with AIMIM, RJD, and BJP all vying for dominance. Central Bihar could become the swing zone. If the NDA remains united, it holds the edge. Border districts—affected most by Pakistan's misadventures—may swing towards the NDA due to patriotic sentiment and the emotional aftershocks of Operation Sindoor. Early speculation suggests the NDA could bag between 125 and 150 seats in the 243-member Assembly. The INDIA bloc may secure around 70, while the remainder would be split among AIMIM, Jan Suraj, independents, and possibly the Left. A party or alliance needs 122 seats for a simple majority. Should the NDA cross the threshold comfortably, the post-poll narrative could shift to leadership. Chirag Paswan, youthful and ambitious, is a natural contender. With Nitish Kumar fading, the BJP could spring a surprise, especially if it helps maintain unity within the alliance while projecting a fresh face for Bihar's future. Rahul Gandhi has made Bihar a key focus, visiting the state more than any other in recent months. But his continued jibes against the army and mocking tone toward the Prime Minister have cost him dearly in the hyper-nationalist mood post-Sindoor. The Congress, far from rejuvenated, is dragging the INDIA bloc into confusion and controversy. His rhetoric—blaming Modi for surrendering to Trump, downplaying Operation Sindoor as a 'chutput war,' and alleging massive Indian casualties—risks alienating patriotic voters and playing directly into the BJP's hands. Poll analysts estimate that around 35 per cent of Bihar's electorate is committedly anti-BJP. This gives the INDIA bloc a base—but not an edge. With Modi's personal popularity, the emotional impact of Operation Sindoor, a robust women-centric agenda, and a fragmented opposition, the NDA holds a visible advantage. But Bihar is a land of last-minute swings and layered loyalties. The real battle will be decided by how effectively the NDA manages its internal dynamics, and how smartly the INDIA bloc reinvents its narrative—if at all. In 2025, Bihar won't just vote for governance. It will vote for identity, vision, and direction. Operation Sindoor didn't just change military dynamics—it may well have changed the political future of one of India's most complex states. (The author is former Chief Editor of The Hans India)

Tata-Dassault fuselage deal will boost manufacturing in general
Tata-Dassault fuselage deal will boost manufacturing in general

Hans India

time34 minutes ago

  • Hans India

Tata-Dassault fuselage deal will boost manufacturing in general

The signing of four Production Transfer Agreements by Dassault Aviation and Tata Advanced Systems Limited (TASL) to manufacture the Rafale fighter fuselage in India is a big fillip to not just defence production in the country but also manufacturing in general. The French plane-maker rightly said that it marks 'a significant step forward in strengthening the country's aerospace manufacturing capabilities and supporting global supply chains.' The fuselage of an aircraft is its central body portion, excluding the engines, tail, and wings. It houses the cockpit, avionics, fuel, and payload—essentially serving as the backbone of the aircraft. In the case of Rafale, a multirole fighter jet renowned for its agility, advanced avionics, and combat effectiveness, manufacturing the fuselage involves high-precision engineering, advanced composites, and tight tolerances. Bringing such a sophisticated process to Indian soil reflects the maturity of the country's aerospace manufacturing environment and the trust global original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) are increasingly placing in Indian firms. In recent years, numerous Indian companies have emerged as key players in the defence manufacturing sector, contributing to the country's vision of self-reliance under the Atmanirbhar Bharat programme. Major public sector undertakings like Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, Bharat Electronics Limited, and Bharat Dynamics Limited have long been at the forefront of producing aircraft, radars, missiles, and other critical defence systems. Alongside them, private sector giants such as TASL, Larsen & Toubro (L&T), Mahindra Defence Systems, and Bharat Forge have significantly expanded their footprint in defence production. These companies manufacture a wide range of equipment, including artillery systems, armoured vehicles, UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles), and missile components. Their growing capabilities are further boosted by partnerships with global defence firms, enabling technology transfer and joint ventures. This robust participation from both public and private sectors is crucial for reducing import dependence and building a strong, indigenous defence industrial base. The Dassault-TASL partnership is a testament to the vision of the Make in India initiative, which has been pushing for increased localisation in defence procurement. By transferring production capabilities to India, Dassault is enabling Indian companies to climb up the value chain—from low-end assembly to high-end design and production. The collaboration with TASL, a company already experienced in aerospace production, enhances India's ability to build a complex, high-performance defence product and helps cultivate a local ecosystem of skilled workers, advanced suppliers, and engineering talent. Furthermore, this move significantly reduces India's reliance on imports for critical defence hardware, contributing to strategic autonomy. Over the decades, India has been one of the world's largest arms importers. While importing advanced weapon systems has been necessary to meet immediate defence requirements, long-term sustainability lies in indigenisation. The Rafale fuselage manufacturing agreement is, therefore, more than a business deal—it is a step toward building a sustainable and technologically advanced defence industrial base within India. The economic implications of this development are equally profound. High-technology manufacturing generates employment across the value chain—from technicians and engineers to logistics and quality assurance personnel. The joint venture will not only create direct employment but also foster ancillary industries, leading to the development of an aerospace manufacturing cluster with potential spillover benefits to the civilian aviation sector. The infrastructure and capabilities established through this programme can later be leveraged for commercial aerospace production, such as passenger aircraft components, thereby further integrating India into the global aerospace supply chain.

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