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Massachusetts should uphold the state's clean car rules, advocates say

Massachusetts should uphold the state's clean car rules, advocates say

Yahoo01-05-2025

More than 60 environmental, business, and housing groups are asking Massachusetts Gov. Maura Healey, a Democrat, not to delay the state's commitment to getting more electric vehicles on the road, despite pressure from automakers to do so.
'Massachusetts should not be asked to compromise its policy leadership or economic competitiveness to accommodate private automakers who would prefer to build less efficient, less technologically advanced cars,' wrote Kat Burnham, senior principal at industry association Advanced Energy United, and Jordan Stutt, Northeast senior director for clean transportation advocacy group Calstart, in a letter last week to the Massachusetts Department of Environmental Protection.
The push to defend the state's plan to ramp up zero-emissions passenger vehicle sales follows a decision by Healey's administration in April to postpone enforcement of similar rules encouraging sales of zero-emissions medium- and heavy-duty vehicles.
The regulations are crucial to reaching Massachusetts' goal of net-zero emissions by 2050, supporters said. Transportation is the state's largest source of carbon emissions, making up 38% of the total as of 2021, the last year for which full data are available. Getting more EVs on the road, advocates said, would also improve air quality and public health, and save consumers money since EVs cost less than gas-powered cars to fuel and maintain.
'If we roll back these regulations or prevent them from moving forward, we will have dirtier air, more unhealthy communities, and higher costs,' said Kathy Harris, director of clean vehicles, climate, and energy for the Natural Resources Defense Council.
The Massachusetts Department of Environmental Protection yesterday issued a statement saying, 'We remain committed to working with all stakeholders on a path forward that eases the burden on car customers and dealerships, who are already being harmed by President Trump's tariffs, while continuing to increase access to affordable electric vehicles and achieve our climate goals."
The Natural Resources Defense Council will join the Green Energy Consumers Alliance, Union of Concerned Scientists, and Green Latinos to present a webinar on May 1 that will explain the regulations, their potential impact, and how residents can let the state know if they want to keep them on track.
The regulation in play is Massachusetts' iteration of the Advanced Clean Cars II (ACC II) rule, which became law in California in 2022. The regulation calls for 35% of the light-duty vehicles automakers provide to dealerships to be zero-emissions as of the 2026 model year; the requirement increases every year until it hits 100% in 2035.
California is the only state with the authority to implement vehicle emissions standards stricter than those of the federal government, though other states are allowed to adopt the regulations passed by California. As of today, 11 other states and Washington, D.C., have signed on to ACC II. Combined, these jurisdictions and California account for about 28% of new light-duty vehicle registrations in the country.
In recent months, however, resistance to the regulations has grown, particularly among industry and business groups that claim rules deprive consumers of choice and will force automakers to reduce inventory in order to artificially inflate the percentage of EVs they are putting on the market. Opponents also argue that the targets are unrealistic. Indeed, there is a gap between current sales in Massachusetts and the ACC II goals: In the fourth quarter of 2024, EVs made up about 14.2% of the state's new car sales, well below the 35% goal slated to kick in next year.
The U.S. House yesterday voted to repeal California's authority to set similar rules for truck sales; a vote on revoking the state's ability to implement the light-duty vehicle regulations is slated for today. And opposition has cropped up in the states as well: Last year, refinery workers in New Jersey and Delaware protested the rules, with some attendees inaccurately saying ACC II would ban gas-powered cars. In Maryland, Democratic Gov. Wes Moore last month issued an executive order delaying penalties for noncompliance by two years.
Massachusetts advocacy groups are now hustling to make the case that their state should not be the next to waver.
Despite the gap between current sales and the ACC II target, advocates are confident that demand will grow to meet the numbers set out in the regulations. Interest in electric vehicles has steadily risen in recent years: Light-duty EV purchases in Massachusetts rose nearly 50% in 2023 compared with the year prior, though growth slowed in 2024.
'This [opposition] is not coming from consumers. It is coming from companies that are not eager to meet the moment,' Advanced Energy United's Burnham told Canary Media.
The regulations are also unlikely to limit consumer choices, supporters contend. New gas-powered cars will still be in the mix until 2035, and even then, used gas-powered cars will be available for many years to come. Plus, zero-emissions options are only increasing: There are now 144 different electric models for sale in the U.S., and more are likely to come as ACC II drives up adoption, proponents said.
'There are plenty of light-duty passenger vehicles that are great options,' said Anna Vanderspek, electric vehicle program director for the Green Energy Consumers Alliance. 'There is really no way automakers can make an argument that they can't comply with these regulations.'
Furthermore, Massachusetts has a strong system of electric vehicle incentives and programs that will support the transition, advocates said. A state rebate program offers from $3,500 to $6,000 to drivers buying new or used EVs. The state has also invested in the planning and development of charging infrastructure in recent years.
'There is so much programming and infrastructure there to make it happen,' Burnham said. 'There is really a handful of automakers who have procrastinated on preparing, but we can't afford to procrastinate any longer.'

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Military bill neglects Hawaii's needs, Case says
Military bill neglects Hawaii's needs, Case says

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Military bill neglects Hawaii's needs, Case says

U.S. Rep. Ed Case is blasting military appropriation legislation that is moving through the House of Representatives as 'shortchanging ' priorities critical to Hawaii, including environmental cleanup and military infrastructure. On Wednesday, members of the House Appropriations Committee voted to advance legislation that calls for over $450 billion to fund military construction, the Department of Veterans Affairs and other programs for fiscal 2026. The bill is the first of the 12 annual funding measures House GOP appropriators are hoping to move out of committee before Congress leaves for its August recess. But the bill advanced along party lines, with Republican lawmakers touting it as a major win and Democrats lambasting what they say are major shortcomings and omissions from the bill. Case, a Hawaii Democrat, said in a statement after the vote that 'while the measure does have positive provisions including funding for essential veterans programs, I regrettably had to vote against it because it kicks critical military infrastructure projects down the road yet again, pursues the Project 2025 goal of privatizing VA medical care, shortchanges dedicated funding for Per-and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS ) cleanup, eliminates climate resiliency efforts and excludes important VA infrastructure funding.' Last year's version of the bill allocated $1.55 billion, roughly 8 %, of the worldwide military construction budget to Hawaii, but this year, no money was allocated for Hawaii. The islands are home to U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, which oversees all U.S. military operations across the Pacific and much of Asia. Pentagon leaders say the region is their top priority theater of operations amid tensions with China. 'We have an obligation to ensure our veterans get the benefits and care that they have earned, ' said U.S. Rep. John Carter, the Republican chair of the subcommittee on military construction and VA funding. 'This bill does that while also addressing other critical issues affecting veterans including homelessness, mental health services, and taking care of our women veterans. The bill also makes critical investments totaling nearly $18 billion in the infrastructure our service members need to work and live. The Committee will continue to prioritize INDOPACOM and quality of life investments in Fiscal Year 2026.' In response to Carter's remarks, Case told lawmakers, 'with great respect, I have to disagree with that because I do not see the evidence that the Indo-Pacific is in any way, shape or form, prioritized in this particular bill, ' noting that the bill only included funding for a single military construction project in the region—$50 million for a military access road in Guam. Case argued that would leave upgrades to strategic naval yards, airfields and other facilities unfunded across the Pacific as the U.S. and Chinese militaries eye each other's capabilities. When it comes to projects in Hawaii, Case told lawmakers, 'I hope and believe we would all agree that Hawaii has a place to play in all of this at this point, and yet, there's no (military construction funds ) on for Hawaii.' He emphasized that no money was put aside under the Shipyard Infrastructure Optimization Program to make upgrades to the Pearl Harbor Naval Shipyard, a critical maintenance point for warships and submarines. Lately, the Navy had been pouring money into the construction of a new dry dock there to support new nuclear submarines. The project is considered the most expensive single construction in the service's history. Dry Dock 5 is expected to be complete in 2028 and cost a total of at least $3.4 billion. 'There's no funding to make sure that our shipyards can continue to serve us in this capacity, ' Case told fellow lawmakers. 'There is a (Congressional Budget Office ) report that calls for billions and billions and billions of deferred maintenance and other construction right in Hawaii, including, for example, of Kaneohe Bay Marine Base at $1.1 billion, Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam at $1 billion, and I could go on down the list.' Case also accused the GOP of ignoring the threat of climate change. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has declared that the military is done with 'climate crap, ' which he insists is a political fairy tale that has distracted commanders and troops from training for war and obtaining new weapons, and promised during his confirmation hearing that he would fire senior Pentagon officials if they began talking about climate change. Military planners have been worried about the effects of sea level rise and intensifying storms on its bases, especially in the Pacific. A Pentagon study in 2018, during President Donald Trump's first term, found that nearly half of all U.S. military sites were threatened by weather linked to climate change. But following the resignation of then-Defense Secretary James Mattis, the administration dismantled the Navy's climate change task force, which had started under the Obama administration and which Mattis had kept running. When Joe Biden entered the White House in 2021, the program restarted. But the second Trump administration has taken an even harder line on climate programs. In April, Navy Secretary John Phelan announced on social media platform X, 'I'm focusing on warfighters first and I'm rescinding the Biden administration's climate action program.' Case told fellow lawmakers that 'there is the problem of a continued reluctance, a continued closing of their eyes by the Defense Department, of anything that smacks of any kind of base resilience, because they don't want to talk about the effects of the weather on our basing. Therefore things get zeroed out that the military knows that we need, and this is simply the wrong way to take a look at this. We are shortchanging this critical strategy in our (military construction ), and we've got to correct this before it is literally too late.' However, though ultimately voting against the bill, Case managed to secure $634 million for the Energy Resiliency and Conservation Investment Program, which funds projects that save energy and water use in support of military operations to cut costs and improve efficiency in the long term. The bill also called for several reviews and reports on military infrastructure needs at bases in Hawaii and around the Pacific that Case pushed for, including aging water infrastructure around Pearl Harbor. VA provisions expansive The portions of the bill dedicated to the VA included provisions that maintain contracting preferences for Native Hawaiian-owned businesses that work with the VA ; $1.5 million for a pilot project to use new technology to help identify the remains of unknown service members buried at the National Memorial Cemetery of the Pacific ; $342 million for rural health initiatives ; $233 million for substance-­use disorder treatment plans for veterans and a hefty $3.4 billion to address veteran homelessness. It also includes $1.3 billion to support female veterans and support the VA's Office of Women's Health, including its child care initiative. As more women have served in the military in recent decades, record numbers are now claiming the benefits they've earned and presenting new challenges to the VA. 'Women veterans often require specialized care due to unique health needs stemming from their military service and gender, ' said Case. 'With sustained support from my Committee over multiple years, Congress is working to ensure the VA set the standard for women veterans care, ensuring consistent, high-quality services across all facilities.' In Hawaii veterans are served by the VA's Pacific Island Health Care System, which also serves vets in the U.S. territories of Guam, the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands and American Samoa—giving it an area of responsibility of approximately 2.6 million square miles. The system has few dedicated facilities of its own, with some of its operations at Tripler Army Medical Center. It largely relies on partnerships and contracts with other hospitals and clinics across the Pacific's far-flung islands to provide for patients. The bill includes language calling on formal plans to expand coverage to veterans living in the 'freely associated ' Pacific island nations of Palau, the Federated States of Micronesia and Marshall Islands—all of which have traditionally high enlistment rates. The measure also includes language calling for continued support and operations for the VA Center for Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander and United States-affiliated Pacific Islander Veterans. The center's doctors and scientists do research across the U.S. and Pacific islands and regularly work with the University of Hawaii. The bill calls on the VA to continue partnering with universities in Hawaii and across the Pacific to support island veterans. The current version of the bill includes funding for the VA on paper, but Case's office in a statement charged that it also 'specifically advances the privatization of veterans health care by proposing vastly larger increases for medical care provided in private sector compared to short-funding the government's VA health care system, a key goal of the Project 2025 plan being followed by the Trump administration.'

America Actually Does Do Military Parades. But Not Like This One.
America Actually Does Do Military Parades. But Not Like This One.

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America Actually Does Do Military Parades. But Not Like This One.

It's been a generation since Washington last hosted a military parade. Literally. In 1991, when President George H.W. Bush staged a parade to celebrate victory in the first Gulf War, it was the weekend of my high school graduation. This month, as Donald Trump presides over a parade honoring the Army's 250th anniversary, my child is graduating amid identical D.C. concerns over road closures, visiting throngs, and chewed-up public streets. That's about where the similarities end. While Bush's parade drew a smattering of criticism — including tut-tutting about expenses and the sense that some attendees were more excited about the Patriot missiles than the actual troops — it was generally uncontroversial, even popular, despite Washington's heavily Democratic population. 'I don't remember any of the negativity that you're having right now,' said Jack Evans, a Democrat who represented downtown Washington on the city council at the time. 'People were excited. We'd won the war. It was all done.'That was then. This year, amidst political polarization, fear of terrorism, and general chaos, the vibes are different. On Wednesday, Matt McCool, the Special Agent in Charge of the Secret Service, outlined some of the precautions around the parade, which has been classified as a National Special Security Event, enabling local cops and federal agencies to work closely together on security. 'You will see 18-and-a-half miles of the anti-scale fencing, 17 miles of bike rack concrete barriers, 175 magnetometers and officers from federal, state and local agencies standing post,' McCool said, standing alongside a half-dozen uniformed law enforcement bigwigs at the city's emergency-management office. 'You may also notice multiple drones operating in the area.' Local police leaders say their departments are on full activation. Part of this is standard 21st century security theater. The parade coincides with an all-day festival on the National Mall where visitors can walk around a lot of pricey military hardware, making the crowd-management particularly complicated. McCool said agencies weren't aware of any specific threats or efforts to disrupt the celebration. But Trump himself fanned the sense of tension this week when he said that protests would be met with 'very heavy force.'No wonder the criticism is a lot more pointed than the mild stuff that greeted Bush. This weekend's parade has been blasted as a sign of incipient authoritarianism, a Soviet-style spectacle, and a blatant case of politicizing the military. 'A dictator-style military parade,' said California Democratic Sen. Adam Schiff, all 'just to stroke his own ego,' according to Illinois Democratic Sen. Tammy Duckworth, herself an Army veteran. It doesn't help that it's all taking place amidst the controversial deployment of troops to Los Angeles — and in the wake of Trump's norm-busting speech at Fort Bragg on Wednesday, when he got troops cheering political refrains and booing former President Joe Biden, in apparent violation of Army regulations. And it especially doesn't help that the $45 million parade happens to take place on the president's birthday. A counter-protest group has dubbed it 'No Kings Day.' But, remarkably, they've organized protests everywhere but the nation's capital, which reduces the odds of a showdown with Trump. In a statement, the organizers said it was meant to 'draw a clear contrast between our people-powered movement and the costly, wasteful, and un-American birthday parade in Washington.' For their part, the military brass say they just want to celebrate the Army — and use its anniversary as a chance to invest in recruiting. 'The Army just touches so many different things,' Army Secretary Dan Driscoll said at a private event in Washington this week. 'The idea is that we get this one moment in time for so many Americans to see that. I think our marketing budget is $750 million. This marketing, this investment, is to tell upcoming young Americans, and Americans who are a little stuck in their life, about this alternative lifestyle of excellence that the Army offers them. To us, that will give us an incredible return on the investment.'As for the comparison to the over-the-top parades of hardware in North Korea or the former Soviet Union, Army Chief of Staff Randy George said it's unfair. 'I think if anybody sees this on TV, interacts with our troops, they will see that we're from every part of this country, doing every kind of thing,' he said. 'Yes, they have a parade and we have a parade. That's probably the only comparison that I would make.' He noted that the soldiers take part in local parades all the time, but just haven't done a big national one in ages. In other words: Why all the agita over a military tribute? It's not like Washington hasn't spent any time honoring our military in the intervening 34 years. During the endless foreign conflicts starting in 2001, we had fighter jet flyovers at football games, 'salute the troops' road races on suburban streets and color guards at Beltway banquets. Performative gestures of troop-respect are almost a Washington cliche nowadays among pols, media types, and socialites. Yet a city built for mass gatherings never threw a parade — which, according to a leading historian of the subject, reflects an important tradition in American culture, and might explain some of the polarization around this weekend. David Glassberg, a University of Massachusetts historian who studies American pageantry, says the country doesn't have the tradition of set-piece national military parades like China, Russia, or even France. 'The whole thing with Trump and the reviewing stand, I can't remember anything like that' in peacetime, Glassberg said. 'It's not something Americans have incorporated into their image. The idea that you're going to display weapons or tear up the streets with tanks, it's really rare.' The one exception: Parades, like in 1991, that celebrated soldiers' return following a victory — something we haven't seen a lot of lately. Glassberg said there were epic welcome-home parades after World War I and the Civil War. Since America didn't have much of a standing Army until the mid-20th century, those events were also extra poignant because many troops were going back to civilian life. 'This was really their last chance, marching in that parade,' he told me. The notion of a president hosting a peacetime parade was sufficiently unusual that, when Trump unsuccessfully embraced the idea during his first term, stalwart supporters voiced skepticism. South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham called such spectacles 'a sign of weakness' in dubious foreign regimes, adding that he wasn't 'interested in Russian-style hardware display.' 'Confidence is silent. Insecurities are loud,' Louisiana Republican Sen. John Kennedy said back then. 'You don't have to show it off, like Russia does, and North Korea, and China.' In fact, big commemorative parades in general have faded in American life, not just in Washington. Manhattan used to host ticker-tape parades for all kinds of people, from visiting statesmen to returning astronauts to, yes, the Fourth Infantry Division when it came home from Korea. But in the 21st century nearly all of the infrequent honorees have been championship-winning New York sports teams. Inevitably, the unusualness of a peacetime parade is going to make people wonder why it's happening — something that, for skeptics of Trump, is going to lead them to a place of dark worries about militarism and striking is that so many of the political critics of the campaign seem to take it as a given that the optics of Saturday's spectacle will be politically good for Trump. It's why Democrats (and Republicans like Sen. Rand Paul) are griping about the price, and others are accusing him of inappropriately using soldiers as props. But given the historic oddness of big Washington parades, there's also a not-zero chance that the spectacle could seem alien and even troubling to viewers, a PR dud. Consider: An elderly leader, watching line after line of soldiers and hardware roll past, taking in their salutes, a potentate surrounded by courtiers. For most Americans, this kind of spectacle usually evokes military strongmen or politburo dinosaurs, and mostly involves countries we don't want to live in. It's not a great look. 'I think a lot of news media is going to be pointing that image out, running pictures of Kim Jong Un and Stalin and all that kind of stuff,' Glassberg said. All the same, he said Democrats could maybe learn a thing or two from the instinct behind Trump's embrace of the parade, if not from the event itself: Sometimes, it's politically useful to publicly celebrate things you like — people and triumphs that the broader public might also embrace. 'There's a whole language of commemoration that Dems are just in the wrong key about,' he said. 'They don't get it.' And even if the day is a smashing political success for Trump, it's not exactly certain that it heralds some permanent shift in either his standing or the politics of the military. After all, the popular president who hosted the joyous 1991 parade was turfed out of office less than 18 months later.

These candidates are on the ballot for Dutchess County primary elections. What to know
These candidates are on the ballot for Dutchess County primary elections. What to know

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These candidates are on the ballot for Dutchess County primary elections. What to know

The primary elections for Dutchess County, which set the stage for who will be on the ballot in the Nov. 4 general election, are coming up soon. On June 24, seven local municipalities are holding primaries including the City of Poughkeepsie, Town of Beekman, Town of Lagrange, Town of Pawling, Town of Red Hook, Town of Rhinebeck and Town of Union Vale. This year, Conservative, Democrat, Republican and Working Families primary elections will take place in Dutchess County. Only registered voters enrolled in a party are eligible to vote in that party's election. Polls are open 6 a.m. to 9 p.m. on June 24. If you are not already registered to vote, register online at the New York State Board of Elections website, Candidates for Ward 1 Councilmember, Districts 1 and 2: Ernest J. Henry Warren G. Jones Candidates for Ward 8 Councilmember, Districts 1 and 2: Daniel L. Atonna Sakima AG. McClinton Candidates (Dutchess County District 22 legislator for all Town of Beekman Districts): Faye B. Garito Joseph Tresca Candidates: Laureen Abbatantuono Stella Maria Slattery Candidates: Anthony Coviello Brian Green Candidates (vote for two): Ezio Battaglini Kate Blake Frank M. Lemak V Gina Ragusa More: Dave's Hot Chicken is coming to Poughkeepsie: What we know Candidates: Anthony Marinaro Steven McKenna Candidates (vote for two): William Bedford Susan Condon Alfred P. Rabasco Candidates: David Anthony Mashiah Anthony Marinaro Candidates (vote for two): Susan Condon Franco Giangrasso Daniel Mosquera Candidates: Rovin Persaud Suzette Persaud Candidates (vote for two): Allyson Persaud Reese Persaud Luis Rodriguez Candidates: Catherine Giordano James Schmitt Candidates (District 4): Lauri Taylor Louis Musella Candidates (Dutchess County District 20 legislator for Town of Red Hook Districts 1, 2, 4 and 5): Troy Haley Kristofer Munn Candidates (Dutchess County District 20 legislator for Town of Rhinebeck District 1): Troy Haley Kristofer Munn Candidates (Dutchess County District 22 legislator for Town of Union Vale Districts 1 and 2): Faye B. Garito Joseph Tresca Candidates: Steven Frazier Charles Richwine The Dutchess County Board of Elections said as of 2025, voters have the option to use any poll sites in their city or town, but some poll sites have changed. If you are unsure what town you vote in, use the New York State Poll Site Search at to find your correct election district. Here's where to vote on primary election day, June 24. City of Poughkeepsie poll sites Interfaith Towers, 66 Washington St. St. John's Lutheran Church, 55 Wilbur Blvd. Town of Beekman poll sites Beekman Community Center, 31 Recreation Center Road Town Hall, 4 Main St. Beekman Elementary School, 201 Lime Ridge Road Town of LaGrange poll sites Freedom Plains Presbyterian Church, 1168 Route 55 Overlook Primary School, 11 Mapleview Road Extension Town Hall, 120 Stringham Road Town of Pawling poll sites Holmes Whaley Lake Civic Association, 239 Route 292 Lathrop Center, 2 Lakeside Drive Town of Red Hook poll sites Bertelsmann Campus Center, 30 Campus Road Mill Road Intermediate School, 9 Mill Road Red Hook High School, 103 West Market St. Town of Rhinebeck poll sites Starr Library, 68 West Market St. Town of Union Vale poll sites Fire House, 3373 Route 82 Early voting for primary elections in Dutchess County will take place June 14-22. No in-person early voting is available the day before the election on June 23, according to the Dutchess County Board of Elections. Locations for early voting include the Mid-Hudson Library Auditorium at 105 Market St. in Poughkeepsie and Red Hook Town Hall at 7340 S Broadway in Red Hook. Early voting is available at both locations from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. June 14-22. On June 17 and June 19, polling sites will be open from noon to 8 p.m. This article originally appeared on Poughkeepsie Journal: Dutchess County primary election: Candidates, where, when to vote

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