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BYD Sealion 7 vs Tesla Model Y: Which should you buy?

BYD Sealion 7 vs Tesla Model Y: Which should you buy?

[singapore] This fight was bound to happen. Once the world's single bestselling car, Tesla's Model Y has been the electric sport utility vehicle (SUV) to beat for years. So it's only natural that Chinese juggernaut BYD, now the world's leading electric vehicle (EV) maker, would come out swinging with the Sealion 7, a five-seat, battery-powered SUV designed to knock the crown clean off the Tesla's glass roof.
In top Performance spec, BYD's Sealion 7 serves up 530 horsepower, all-wheel drive, and a 0 to 100 kmh time of 4.5 seconds. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
BYD's Sealion 7 (above) is a five-seat, battery-powered SUV designed to knock the crown clean off the Tesla's glass roof. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
On paper, it's a close fight. In top Performance spec, the Sealion 7 serves up 530 horsepower, all-wheel drive, and a 0 to 100 kmh time of 4.5 seconds. You can get similar pace from the Model Y Long Range All-Wheel Drive, which has 507 horsepower and takes 4.8 seconds to hit 100.
Tesla's Model Y Long Range All-Wheel Drive has 507 horsepower and takes 4.8 seconds to hit 100. The new rear-wheel drive Juniper version sneaks under the Category A COE bar by offering just 150 horsepower. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
But for this test, I drove the new Juniper version of the Model Y in its most popular form, the rear-wheel drive (RWD) Singapore special that sneaks under the Category A Certificate Of Entitlement (COE) bar by offering just 150 horsepower.
It accounts for some 80 per cent of local Model Y sales, which reveals how smart it was of Tesla to cull a few horses. The RWD version costs S$205,977 with COE, while the Sealion 7 Performance tested here costs S$219,888 with a Category B COE.
The Tesla and BYD deliver nearly identical range (466 km and 460 km, respectively), and would make it to Kuala Lumpur on a single charge. Without leaving the country, most drivers here could comfortably go a week between plugging them in.
Testing the least powerful Model Y against the most powerful Sealion 7 sounds like an unfair comparison, but in our market, the BYD would be more competitive if it came in tamer Category A form, not less.
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Tesla has given the Model Y a raft of changes to keep it fresh for 2025, starting with clean new looks. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
Performance figures aside, what matters is what these cars are like to live with. Tesla has given the Model Y a raft of changes to keep it fresh for 2025, starting with clean new looks. The first Model Y's frog-like face is gone, replaced by sleeker, more angular lines and a full-width light bar at the front that gives it a faint whiff of Cybertruck. Interestingly, there's no Tesla badge on the nose anymore. Presumably, you're meant to just know.
If you don't, you could always tuck behind the Model Y. The rear now sports a tidy design with Tesla lettering that's nicely illuminated by indirect lighting. The aerodynamics have improved slightly, too, with drag slipping from 0.23 Cd to 0.22 Cd, which is one reason the car's range has inched up.
Next to it, the Sealion 7 looks overdesigned, with creases, curves and busy details like faux intakes and wheel arch cladding. But the panel gaps are tight and the bodywork lines up nicely, suggesting that quality is a priority at BYD. Unlike the Tesla, the Sealion 7 wears its brand's logo on its nose, but you could tell it's a BYD without it, with C-shaped LED headlights giving it a clear resemblance to the brand's latest cars.
The Sealion 7's (above) cabin feels traditional in comparison to the Tesla's, with quilted leather, soft padded surfaces and a bank of actual buttons. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
Inside, the differences are just as stark. The Sealion 7's cabin feels traditional in comparison to the Tesla's, but that's not a bad thing. There's quilted leather, soft padded surfaces and a bank of actual buttons. You get a full driver display and a head-up display that helpfully shows sat-nav directions, so you never need to take your eye off the road.
Both cars have huge, 15.6-inch touchscreens, but the Sealion's is easier to use, with more intuitive menus and a better navigation system. You can rotate it into portrait mode, a typical BTD move, unless you're using Apple CarPlay, which the Tesla doesn't support at all.
The Tesla Model Y's interior is, as ever, minimalist to the point of abstraction. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
The Tesla interior is, as ever, minimalist to the point of abstraction. It's like someone took a regular car and shaved off every single extraneous detail with a scalpel. You don't even see the air-con vents, which are hidden behind a panel. The turn signal is a stalk (unlike the confusing button setup on the Model 3), and storage is thoughtfully designed, with covered compartments to keep everything looking tidy. Materials have improved slightly, and there's now ambient lighting and a new steering wheel that feels better to hold.
But nearly everything still runs through that central screen. It handles drive modes, climate, media and your main driving info, all crammed into one space. There's no standalone display for a speedometer, to say nothing of a head-up display. It's clean, calming, even elegant, but if you want to see how fast you're going and look straight ahead at the same time, you're out of luck.
In contrast, the Sealion 7 mixes tech with old-school convenience. There are physical toggles for the drive modes and regenerative braking levels, plus proper air-con vents that actually work. A clever shortcut lets you swipe three fingers across the screen to adjust temperature or fan speed instantly.
If you're new to EVs, you'll find the BYD more familiar, and probably nicer to live with. There's more to get used to in the Tesla.
That theme continues on the road. With its plush suspension, soft brake pedal and steering that's light to the point of vagueness, the BYD feels like a car tuned for comfort above all else. Yet, when you prod the accelerator it turns into a cannonball, flying down the road with an effortless whoosh, building speed rapidly and relentlessly.
The Model Y, despite its modest output, feels surprisingly lively at lower speeds. Tesla's engineers clearly calibrated the torque delivery to give you a strong initial shove before things taper off, which makes city driving feel brisk. Overtaking on the highway takes commitment, but the chassis oozes class. Where the previous Model Y felt crashy and brittle, the Juniper rides with far more compliance and comfort.
Despite being slower, it's the Tesla that is actually more engaging. There's more tautness to the way it turns and tracks through corners, it feels more composed, and it gives you more confidence.
That said, the Sealion 7 claws back points in usability. It has a tighter turning circle, a 360-degree camera (useful in tight car parks) and noticeably stronger air-conditioning.
When the weather turns infernal, as it seems to do so often these days, that alone might sway the vote, but the BYD does one better because its panoramic glass roof has a powered sunshade. The Model Y does without one, but Tesla claims its new coating rejects more heat than before. Your gently roasted scalp may disagree.
The BYD (above) wins on rear seat space, with slightly more room, but the Tesla counters with fun stuff like a small screen in the back so kids can stream YouTube or Netflix. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
Both rear benches of the BYD and Tesla recline, but the Model Y's (above) seats do so electrically. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
The BYD wins on rear seat space, with slightly more room, but the Tesla counters with fun stuff like a small screen in the back so kids can stream YouTube or Netflix. Both rear benches recline, but the Model Y's seats do so electrically. That's useful in either car, because you can make more boot space by sitting upright, or recline for comfort when luggage isn't a priority.
The Tesla's (above) boot is enormous for the car's size, with loads of underfloor storage and a front trunk that dwarfs the BYD's. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
The BYD Sealion 7's (above) boot is smaller than the Tesla's. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
And luggage is one area where the Tesla shines. Its boot is enormous for the car's size, with loads of underfloor storage and a front trunk that dwarfs the BYD's. Tesla's efficiency with packaging is genuinely impressive, and shows just how well they've nailed the art of arranging compact EV components to optimise space.
All of which points to why the Model Y has been the benchmark EV for so long. It feels pared down and smart in how it approaches the idea of what a car should be. But it's equally clear that BYD has caught up.
The Sealion 7 may not be as sleek or glamorous, but it's supremely usable. Features like the head-up display, Apple CarPlay and Android Auto compatibility, physical switches, stronger climate control system, parking camera, sunshade and greater cabin space all make daily life more pleasant than in the Tesla.
It's a less daunting prospect in terms of ownership, too, with a 10-year warranty for the battery, 10 years' free servicing and a six-year mechanical warranty. For its part, Tesla guarantees the battery for eight years, and the rest of the car for four.
If the Performance version seems like overkill, the single-motor Sealion 7 Premium hits a sweet spot. It's less swift but nearly as well-equipped, and is the one that makes the most sense for day-to-day life.
The Model Y (left) has been the benchmark EV for so long, but it's clear that BYD has caught up. PHOTO: BIG FISH PUBLISHING
Either way, this is a punch-up with a clear outcome. In overall terms the Model Y feels better to drive, but the Sealion 7 feels like it would be better to live with.
BYD Sealion 7 Performance AWD Motor power/torque 530 hp/690 Nm Battery type/net capacity Lithium iron phosphate (LFP)/82.5 kWh Charging time/type Approx. 9 hours (11 kW AC), approx. 1 hour 10 to 80 per cent (150 kW DC) Range 460 km (WLTP) 0 to 100 kmh 4.5 seconds Top speed 215 kmh Efficiency 21.4 kWh/100 km Agent Vantage Automotive Price S$219,888 with COE Available Now
Tesla Model Y RWD 110 Motor power/torque 150 hp/350 Nm Battery type/net capacity Lithium iron phosphate (LFP)/60 kWh (estimated) Charging time/type Approx 7.5 hours (11 kW AC), approx 25 minutes 10 to 80 per cent (175 kW DC) Range 466 km (WLTP) 0 to 100 kmh 9.6 seconds Top speed 201 kmh Efficiency 15.3 kWh/100 km Agent Tesla Singapore Price S$205,977 with COE Available Now

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Russian intelligence says it collects WeChat data. What does that mean?
Russian intelligence says it collects WeChat data. What does that mean?

Straits Times

timean hour ago

  • Straits Times

Russian intelligence says it collects WeChat data. What does that mean?

Russian intelligence says it collects WeChat data. What does that mean? Russian counterintelligence agents are analysing data from the popular Chinese messaging and social media app WeChat to monitor people who might be in contact with Chinese spies, according to a Russian intelligence document obtained by The New York Times. The disclosure highlights the rising level of concern about Chinese influence in Russia as the two countries deepen their relationship. As Russia has become isolated from the West over its war in Ukraine, it has become increasingly reliant on Chinese money, companies and technology. But it has also faced what the document describes as increased Chinese espionage efforts. The document indicates that the Russian domestic security agency, known as the FSB, pulls purloined data into an analytical tool known as 'Skopishche' (a Russian word for a mob of people). Information from WeChat is among the data being analysed, according to the document. The document offers insights into the espionage tactics of two authoritarian governments that are preoccupied with surveillance. According to the document, the system processes detailed data on WeChat users, including account log-ins, contact lists and message archives, some of which are extracted from phones seized from people of interest to Russia's spy hunters. The tool is used to scrutinise the data trail of 'people using the Chinese messenger WeChat to talk to representatives of the PRC intelligence services', the document says, using the abbreviation for the People's Republic of China. The exact functionality of the system is unclear. It is described in Russian as an automated data processing system that can be used in 'search activities'. Intelligence agencies typically use such tools to map messenger and social network connections to spot potential spies. The document makes clear that the FSB is particularly interested in WeChat. The Russian security agency asks field officers to send WeChat accounts and log-ins of interest to the China counterintelligence team, including 'lists of contacts (log-ins) and archives of chats from WeChat obtained during direct access to the smartphones of targets of interest'. The document says data can be run through another automated system, known as Laretz, a Russian word for a small decorated box, that can check 'more than a thousand electronic indicators simultaneously'. The Times was unable to confirm whether Skopishche had been effective as a counterintelligence tool or how extensively the FSB could intercept data from WeChat. One Western intelligence agency told the Times that the information in the document was consistent with what it knew about 'Russian penetration of Chinese communications'. The FSB and the Chinese Foreign Ministry did not reply to requests for comment. WeChat, owned by the Chinese tech giant Tencent, is one of the most widely used digital platforms in the world, mostly concentrated in China and among Chinese communities. It functions as an all-in-one tool that combines messaging, mobile payments, social networking and government services. The app has over 1.4 billion users globally, according to Tencent financial disclosures. Tencent did not reply to a request for comment. Russian intelligence agencies have worked to penetrate encrypted communication apps like Signal and WhatsApp. The FSB has have long viewed those apps, which are widely used by dissidents, as tools of subversion and foreign influence. In April, President Vladimir Putin of Russia barred government and bank employees from using foreign messaging apps. WeChat is different. By design, it does not use end-to-end encryption to protect user data. That is because the Chinese government exercises strict control over the app and relies on its weak security to monitor and censor speech. Foreign intelligence agencies can exploit that weakness, too. WeChat added some limited encryption features in 2016, according to Ms Mona Wang, a research fellow at the University of Toronto's Citizen Lab. But the security improvements still fall short of the encryption offered by other messaging apps like Signal or WhatsApp. It is unclear why Chinese intelligence officers would use WeChat to communicate with sources, given its lack of end-to-end encryption. But sources or potential recruits may not know they are communicating with spies, who often pose as diplomats and strike up casual conversations at first. WeChat was briefly banned in Russia in 2017, but access was restored after Tencent took steps to comply with laws requiring foreign digital platforms above a certain size to register as 'organisers of information dissemination'. The Times confirmed that WeChat is currently licensed by the government to operate in Russia. That licence would require Tencent to store user data on Russian servers and to provide access to security agencies upon request. Russia is separately pursuing a government messaging app of its own, one that has drawn comparisons to WeChat. NYTIMES Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.

Secret Russian intelligence document shows deep suspicion of China
Secret Russian intelligence document shows deep suspicion of China

Straits Times

timean hour ago

  • Straits Times

Secret Russian intelligence document shows deep suspicion of China

In public, President Vladimir Putin of Russia says his country's growing friendship with China is unshakable – a strategic military and economic collaboration that has entered a golden era. But in the corridors of Lubyanka, the headquarters of Russia's domestic security agency, known as the FSB, a secretive intelligence unit refers to the Chinese as 'the enemy'. This unit, which has not previously been disclosed, has warned that China is a serious threat to Russian security. Its officers say that Beijing is increasingly trying to recruit Russian spies and get its hands on sensitive military technology, at times by luring disaffected Russian scientists. The intelligence officers say that China is spying on the Russian military's operations in Ukraine to learn about Western weapons and warfare. They fear that Chinese academics are laying the groundwork to make claims on Russian territory. And they have warned that Chinese intelligence agents are carrying out espionage in the Arctic using mining firms and university research centres as cover. The threats are laid out in an eight-page internal FSB planning document, obtained by The New York Times, that sets priorities for fending off Chinese espionage. The document is undated, raising the possibility that it is a draft, though it appears from context to have been written in late 2023 or early 2024. Ares Leaks, a cybercrime group, obtained the document but did not say how it did so. That makes definitive authentication impossible, but the Times shared the report with six Western intelligence agencies, all of which assessed it to be authentic. The document gives the most detailed behind-the-scenes view to date of Russian counterintelligence's thinking about China. Since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Moscow's new bond with Beijing has shifted the global balance of power. The rapidly expanding partnership is one of the most consequential, and opaque, relationships in modern geopolitics. Russia has survived years of Western financial sanctions following the invasion, proving wrong the many politicians and experts who predicted the collapse of the country's economy. That survival is in no small part due to China. China is the largest customer for Russian oil and provides essential computer chips, software and military components. When Western companies fled Russia, Chinese brands stepped in to replace them. The two countries say they want to collaborate in a vast number of areas, including making movies and building a base on the moon. Mr Putin and Mr Xi Jinping, China's leader, are doggedly pursuing what they call a partnership with 'no limits'. But the top-secret FSB memo shows there are, in fact, limits. 'You have the political leadership, and these guys are all for rapprochement with China,' said Mr Andrei Soldatov, an expert on Russia's intelligence services who lives in exile in Britain and who reviewed the document at the request of the Times. 'You have the intelligence and security services, and they are very suspicious.' Mr Putin's spokesperson, Mr Dmitry Peskov, declined to comment. The Chinese Foreign Ministry did not respond to requests for comment on the document. The Russian document describes a 'tense and dynamically developing' intelligence battle in the shadows between the two outwardly friendly nations. Three days before Mr Putin invaded Ukraine in 2022, the FSB approved a new counterintelligence programme called 'Entente-4', the document reveals. The code name, an apparent tongue-in-cheek reference to Moscow's growing friendship with Beijing, belied the initiative's real intent: to prevent Chinese spies from undermining Russian interests. The timing almost certainly was not accidental. Russia was diverting nearly all of its military and spy resources to Ukraine, more than 6,500km from its border with China, and most likely worried that Beijing could try to capitalise on this distraction. Since then, according to the document, the FSB observed China doing just that. Chinese intelligence agents stepped up efforts to recruit Russian officials, experts, journalists and businesspeople close to power in Moscow, the document says. To counter this, the FSB instructed its officers to intercept the 'threat' and 'prevent the transfer of important strategic information to the Chinese'. Officers were ordered to conduct in-person meetings with Russian citizens who work closely with China and warn them that Beijing was trying to take advantage of Russia and obtain advanced scientific research, according to the document. The FSB ordered 'the constant accumulation of information about users' on Chinese messaging app WeChat. That included hacking phones of espionage targets and analysing the data in a special software tool held by a unit of the FSB, the document says. The possible long-term alignment of two authoritarian governments, with a combined population of nearly 1.6 billion people and armed with some 6,000 nuclear warheads, has stoked deep concern in Washington. Some members of the Trump administration believe that, through outreach to Mr Putin, Washington can begin to peel Russia away from China and avoid what Secretary of State Marco Rubio has called 'two nuclear powers aligned against the United States'. 'I'm going to have to un-unite them, and I think I can do that, too,' President Donald Trump said shortly before his election in November. 'I have to un-unite them.' Read one way, the FSB document lends credence to the theory that, with the right approach, Russia can be cleaved away from China. The document describes mistrust and suspicion on both sides of the relationship. China is conducting polygraphs on its agents as soon as they return home, tightening scrutiny of the 20,000 Russian students in China and trying to recruit Russians with Chinese spouses as potential spies, the document says. But another reading of the document leads to the opposite conclusion. The fact that Mr Putin is apparently well aware of the risks of a closer relationship with China and has decided to push ahead anyway could suggest little opportunity for the United States to get Russia to change course. 'Putin believes that he can go much deeper into this Chinese embrace, and it's not risk-free, but it is worth it,' said Mr Alexander Gabuev, the director of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Centre, who reviewed the document at the request of the Times. 'But we also see there are people within the system who are sceptical of that approach.' Mr Putin has courted Mr Xi for years, in more than 40 personal meetings, and has cemented a far deeper partnership with China since invading Ukraine. The two countries have a natural economic synergy, with Russia being one of the world's largest energy producers and China the world's largest energy consumer. That poses a delicate challenge for Russian counterintelligence agents. The document shows them trying to contain the risks posed by Chinese intelligence without causing 'negative consequences for bilateral relations'. Officers were warned to avoid any public 'mention of the Chinese intelligence services as a potential enemy'. Most likely written for circulation to FSB field offices, the directive offers a rare glimpse into the inner world of one of the most powerful parts of the Russian intelligence establishment: the FSB's Department for Counterintelligence Operations, known as the DKRO. The document was written by the DKRO's 7th Service, which is responsible for countering espionage from China and other parts of Asia. Anxiety about Russia's susceptibility to an increasingly powerful Beijing dominates the memo. But it is unclear how common those worries are across the Russian establishment, beyond the counterintelligence unit. Even allied nations regularly spy on one another. 'To go back to the old adage, there is no such thing as friendly intel services,' said Mr Paul Kolbe, a senior fellow at Harvard's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, who served for 25 years in the CIA Directorate of Operations, including in Russia. 'You don't have to scratch very deep in any Russian military or intel official to get deep suspicion of China. In the long run, China is, in spite of the unlimited partnership and how useful they are, also a potential threat.' China targets Russia's war secrets and scientists Soon after Russian troops pushed across the border into Ukraine, officials from Chinese defence firms and institutes tied to Chinese intelligence began flooding into Russia. Their goal, according to the FSB document, was to better understand the war. China has world-class scientists, but its military has not fought a war since a month-long conflict with Vietnam in 1979. The result is anxiety in China about how its military would perform against Western weapons in a conflict over Taiwan or the South China Sea. Chinese intelligence officials are eager to understand Russia's fight against an army backed by the West. 'Of particular interest to Beijing is information about combat methods using drones, modernisation of their software and methods for countering new types of Western weapons,' the FSB document says, adding that Beijing believes the war in Ukraine will become drawn-out. The conflict has revolutionised warfare technology and tactics. China has long lagged behind Russia in its aviation expertise, and the document says that Beijing has made that a priority target. China is targeting military pilots and researchers in aerohydrodynamics, control systems and aeroelasticity. Also being sought out, according to the document, are Russian specialists who worked on the discontinued ekranoplan, a hovercraft-type warship first deployed by the Soviet Union. 'Priority recruitment is given to former employees of aircraft factories and research institutes, as well as current employees who are dissatisfied with the closure of the ekranoplan development programme by the Russian Ministry of Defense or who are experiencing financial difficulties,' the report says. It is not clear from the document whether those recruitment efforts are limited to hiring Russian specialists for Chinese ventures or also extend to recruiting them as spies. The document also shows that Russia is very concerned about how China views the war in Ukraine and is trying to feed Beijing's spies with positive information about Russian operations. And it commands Russian counterintelligence operatives to prepare a report for the Kremlin about any possible changes in Beijing's policy. Western leaders have accused China of providing Russia with essential weapons components and working to conceal it. The FSB document lends support to that claim, stating that Beijing had proposed establishing supply chains to Moscow that circumvent Western sanctions and had offered to participate in the production of drones and other unspecified high-tech military equipment. The document does not say whether those proposals were carried out, though China has supplied Russia with drones. The FSB memo also hints at Chinese interest in the Wagner mercenary group, a Russia-backed paramilitary group that propped up governments in Africa for years and fought alongside Russian troops in Ukraine. 'The Chinese plan to use the experience of Wagner fighters in their own armed forces and private military companies operating in the countries of South-east Asia, Africa and Latin America,' the directive says. The wording of the report does not indicate whether the FSB believes that China wants to recruit former Wagner fighters for its own formations or simply wants to learn from their experience. Moscow worries Beijing is trying to encroach on its territory Russia has long feared encroachment by China along their shared 4,200km border. And Chinese nationalists for years have taken issue with 19th-century treaties in which Russia annexed large portions of land, including modern-day Vladivostok. That issue is now of key concern, with Russia weakened by the war and economic sanctions and less able than ever to push back against Beijing. The FSB report raises concerns that some academics in China have been promoting territorial claims against Russia. China is searching for traces of 'ancient Chinese peoples' in the Russian Far East, possibly to influence local opinion that is favourable to Chinese claims, the document says. In 2023, China published an official map that included historical Chinese names for cities and areas within Russia. The FSB ordered officers to expose such 'revanchist' activities, as well as attempts by China to use Russian scientists and archival funds for research aimed at attaching a historical affiliation to borderlands. 'Conduct preventative work with respect to Russian citizens involved in the said activities,' the memo orders. 'Restrict entry into our country for foreigners as a measure of influence.' China is unnerving Russia in Central Asia and the Arctic The concerns about China expanding its reach are not limited to Russia's Far East borderlands. Central Asian countries answered to Moscow during the Soviet era. Today, the FSB reports, Beijing has developed a 'new strategy' to promote Chinese soft power in the region. China began rolling out that strategy in Uzbekistan, according to the document. The details of the strategy are not included in the document other than to say it involves humanitarian exchange. Uzbekistan and neighbouring countries are important to Mr Putin, who sees restoring the Soviet sphere of influence as part of his legacy. The report also highlights China's interest in Russia's vast territory in the Arctic and the Northern Sea Route, which hugs Russia's northern coast. Historically, those waters have been too icy for reliable shipping, but they are expected become increasingly busy because of climate change. The route slashes shipping time between Asia and Europe. Developing that route would make it easier for China to sell its goods. Russia historically tried to maintain strict control over Chinese activity in the Arctic. But Beijing believes that Western sanctions will force Russia to turn to China to maintain its 'aging Arctic infrastructure', according to the FSB document. Already, Russian gas giant Novatek has relied on China to salvage its Arctic liquefied natural gas project, after previously using the American oil services firm Baker Hughes. The FSB asserts that Chinese spies are active in the Arctic, as well. The report says Chinese intelligence is trying to obtain information about Russia's development of the Arctic, using institutions of higher education and mining companies in particular. But despite all of these vulnerabilities, the FSB report makes clear that jeopardising the support of China would be worse. The document squarely warns officers that they must receive approval from the highest echelons of the Russian security establishment before taking any sensitive action at all. NYTIMES Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.

From bromance to blow-up: Trump and Musk's bitter spat
From bromance to blow-up: Trump and Musk's bitter spat

Independent Singapore

time9 hours ago

  • Independent Singapore

From bromance to blow-up: Trump and Musk's bitter spat

The most ballyhooed bromance on earth blew up in spectacular fashion on Thursday when the world's most powerful leader traded barbs online with the world's richest man. In the middle of a meeting with the German chancellor, US President Donald Trump posted that he was 'disappointed in Elon', stung by the tech tycoon's unrelenting criticism of his 'big, beautiful bill'. The spat between these high-profile bromates lit up the internet, with live-blogging websites offering tweet-by-tweet updates, and others speculating—sometimes behind paywalls—on whether the erstwhile bosom buddies had become bitter enemies. Only the most incorrigible punters would dare wager whether the rift is permanent or passing. Given their mercurial temperaments, today's feud could easily become tomorrow's flirtation. Supporters of strong governance may, nevertheless, be relieved. The world's most powerful leader is still more potent than its richest man—at least for now. Musk blinked first. Musk indicated on X he is ready to relent, but the White House has turned a cold shoulder. The president reportedly continues to criticise the Tesla, X and SpaceX boss in private. Costly spat The spat could prove costly for both men. While Trump and his political action committees may not receive the $100 million or more reportedly pledged by Musk, the tycoon risks losing billions. Trump has threatened to cancel his government contracts, posting: 'The easiest way to save money in our Budget, Billions and Billions of Dollars, is to terminate Elon's Governmental Subsidies and Contracts. I was always surprised that Biden didn't do it.' The rift widened after Musk lambasted Trump's signature tax-and-spending bill, calling it a 'disgusting abomination' sure to wreck the nation's finances. To add insult to injury, he claimed Trump wouldn't have won the election without his support. Trump said he was 'very disappointed in Musk,' accused him of turning 'hostile' after being turfed out of government, and charged that the billionaire was meddling in politics to further his business interests. Musk, who spent over $250 million supporting Trump's re-election bid last year and once declared, 'I love @realDonaldTrump as much as a straight man can love another man,' hit back hard. He called for Trump's impeachment and replacement by Vice President JD Vance and warned that the president's tariffs could trigger a US recession. See also Hillary Clinton urges Biden not to concede in close election He also insinuated that Trump's name appeared in sealed files relating to the late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. Still, Musk eventually toned down his rhetoric. After threatening to decommission his Dragon spacecraft, which NASA uses to transport astronauts, he responded to a netizen urging calm with: 'Good advice… Ok, we won't decommission Dragon.' His conciliatory tone, however, received no response from the White House. Trump may struggle to find alternatives if he scraps contracts with Musk's companies. SpaceX remains the only US firm transporting astronauts to and from space. Several government agencies also depend on its Falcon rockets, in-orbit vehicles, and the Starlink network—more than 7,500 internet satellites, which Ukraine has used in its war against Russia. Media pundits are almost unanimous in concluding that the bromance was doomed from the start—doomed by two towering egos unwilling to share the spotlight. Ideological divide? But Guardian columnist Jonathan Freedland sees more than just a personality clash. He believes there is also an ideological divide. See also Trump and Biden outline competing visions for US economy Musk's opposition to Trump's 'big, beautiful bill' may be linked to its failure to extend tax credits for electric vehicles—a provision that might have boosted Tesla's sagging sales. Publicly, however, Musk has criticised the bill on fiscal grounds, warning that it will deepen the already gargantuan US deficit. In doing so, he has recast himself as a champion of traditional, deficit-conscious Republicans. Freedland notes a growing divide on the American right: between old-school conservatives who worry about fiscal responsibility, and nationalists like Trump's former strategist Steve Bannon, who support tariffs and oppose global immigration. Musk, by contrast, has argued against tariffs and in favour of keeping the US open to highly skilled, tech-savvy immigrants. He has even called for the formation of a new political party. No wonder the bromance has broken down. But then again, politics makes strange bedfellows—and anything's possible. Featured image by Depositphotos (for illustration purposes only)

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