logo
Westminster statues vandalised at trans protest

Westminster statues vandalised at trans protest

Yahoo20-04-2025

Several statues in Parliament Square, including one of women's votes campaigner Dame Millicent Fawcett, were vandalised during a protest on Saturday.
Transgender campaigners gathered in front of Parliament to protest against the ruling by the Supreme Court on Wednesday that biological sex defines a woman for the purposes of the Equality Act.
The Metropolitan Police said seven statues were damaged and they are investigating the incidents as criminal damage. No arrests have been made.
A statue of World War One South African leader Jan Smuts was graffitied with the words "trans rights are human rights".
The Supreme Court ruled that transgender women with a gender recognition certificate can be excluded from single-sex spaces if "proportionate".
The judges unanimously ruled that the terms woman and sex in the 2010 Equality Act "refer to a biological woman and biological sex" rather than "certificated sex".
Protests against the ruling also took place on Saturday in Reading, Edinburgh and Glasgow.
The Met said its officers were in the area policing Parliament Square "but did not witness the criminal damage take place as the area was densely populated with thousands of protestors and it was not reported at the time".
It confirmed it is investigating the graffiti as criminal damage and no arrests have been made so far.
Ch Supt Stuart Bell, who was leading the policing operation for the protest, said: "It is very disappointing to see damage to seven statues and property in the vicinity of the protest today.
"We support the public's right to protest but criminality like this is completely unacceptable."
The statue of Dame Millicent Fawcett by artist Gillian Wearing is the only statue of a woman in Parliament Square, where others honoured include international statesmen like Nelson Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi, and former prime ministers Sir Winston Churchill and David Lloyd-George.
Unveiled in 2018, it is also the only statue by a female artist in the square, and was erected following a campaign and petition by the feminist activist Caroline Criado Perez.
Listen to the best of BBC Radio London on Sounds and follow BBC London on Facebook, X and Instagram. Send your story ideas to hello.bbclondon@bbc.co.uk
Fawcett statue unveiled at Westminster
Supreme Court backs 'biological' definition of woman
Protest rally over Supreme Court gender ruling
Metropolitan Police

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Alexandre de Moraes: Brazilian judge in showdown with far-right
Alexandre de Moraes: Brazilian judge in showdown with far-right

Yahoo

timean hour ago

  • Yahoo

Alexandre de Moraes: Brazilian judge in showdown with far-right

With his steely gaze and bald pate, Supreme Court judge Alexandre de Moraes has emerged as one of the most powerful and polarizing people in Brazil. In the 56-year-old judge's sights is far-right ex-president Jair Bolsonaro, accused of plotting to cling onto power despite his failed October 2022 re-election bid. A showdown with tech titan Elon Musk has meanwhile put Moraes in the crosshairs of US President Donald Trump's administration, which has hinted it could deny visas to foreign officials who threaten US nationals or residents over social media posts. Moraes shut down Musk's X network in Brazil, one of its largest markets, for 40 days for failing to tackle disinformation, mostly shared by supporters of Bolsonaro. Musk reacted with fury at the time, branding Moraes an "evil dictator cosplaying as a judge" and accusing him of "trying to destroy democracy in Brazil." Bolsonaro also has called Moraes a "dictator," while his son Eduardo, an MP, has lobbied for US sanctions against the "totalitarian" judge. Moraes ordered that the younger Bolsonaro be placed under investigation for alleged obstruction of justice. - Hero or villain? - Known by his nickname, "Xandao," Moraes looms large over a deeply divided Brazil. The immensely powerful judge, who previously headed the Superior Electoral Tribunal (TSE), is hated by the far right, which accuses him of censorship and abuse of office. To others, the muay thai aficionado is a hero on a mission to save Brazil's young democracy. There was little in Moraes's background to hint he would become a thorn in the side of conservatives. The constitutional law expert worked as a Sao Paulo state prosecutor, and went on to become state security secretary. Known as a hardliner, he drew criticism from left-wing activists, who accused him of repressing social movements. He served as justice minister under center-right ex-president Michel Temer, who named him to the Supreme Court in 2017. "He's a political animal," constitutional law expert Antonio Carlos de Freitas told AFP. Supreme Court insiders call him a pragmatist. But his pursuit of Bolsonaro and Musk's X showed a steelier side. Moraes has presided over a slew of cases targeting Bolsonaro, barring the so-called "Trump of the Tropics" from running for office until 2030 over his attempts to discredit the electoral system. But it is the coup investigation that threatens to definitively torpedo Bolsonaro's political comeback bid. The 70-year-old former army captain risks up to 40 years in prison if convicted of plotting to prevent leftist Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva from taking power. Prosecutors say the plot included a plan to arrest and even assassinate Lula, his vice president Geraldo Alckmin and Moraes. - 'Political animal' - Moraes was an omnipresent figure during the polarizing 2022 election campaign, aggressively using his rulings to fight election disinformation on social media. That included blocking the accounts of some prominent conservative figures, leading to his standoff with Musk, who has been accused of turning his social media platform into a megaphone for right-wing conspiracy theories. The married father of three gives few interviews, and rarely posted on his X account, where he had a million followers, before closing it in February. "Freedom of expression doesn't mean freedom of aggression," he has said. "It doesn't mean the freedom to defend tyranny." Still two decades away from the mandatory retirement age for judges in Brazil of 75, Moraes has been cited as a possible future candidate for president. He has never discussed any such ambitions publicly. msi-rsr/jhb/cb/sla/sst

Suspects wanted for allegedly assaulting special police officer at DC grocery store
Suspects wanted for allegedly assaulting special police officer at DC grocery store

Yahoo

time2 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Suspects wanted for allegedly assaulting special police officer at DC grocery store

WASHINGTON () — D.C. police are looking for the people who allegedly assaulted a special police officer (SRO) in Southeast on Saturday. The Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) responded to a grocery store in the 400 block of 14th St. at around 9:30 a.m. for reports of an assault. Violent night in DC; multiple shootings, deadly stabbing The suspects were leaving the grocery store with things they did not pay for, and the SRO, who was assigned to the store, tried to stop them from leaving but the suspects started assaulting the SRO. The suspects got away before MPD officers arrived. MPD released a photo of the suspects. Anyone who can identify them is asked to call (202) 727-9099 or text 50411. A reward of up to $1,000 is being offered to anyone with information that leads to an arrest and indictment of those involved. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

The forgotten story of India's brush with presidential rule
The forgotten story of India's brush with presidential rule

Yahoo

time3 hours ago

  • Yahoo

The forgotten story of India's brush with presidential rule

During the mid-1970s, under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's imposition of the Emergency, India entered a period where civil liberties were suspended and much of the political opposition was jailed. Behind this authoritarian curtain, her Congress party government quietly began reimagining the country - not as a democracy rooted in checks and balances, but as a centralised state governed by command and control, historian Srinath Raghavan reveals in his new book. In Indira Gandhi and the Years That Transformed India, Prof Raghavan shows how Gandhi's top bureaucrats and party loyalists began pushing for a presidential system - one that would centralise executive power, sideline an "obstructionist" judiciary and reduce parliament to a symbolic chorus. Inspired in part by Charles de Gaulle's France, the push for a stronger presidency in India reflected a clear ambition to move beyond the constraints of parliamentary democracy - even if it never fully materialised. It all began, writes Prof Raghavan, in September 1975, when BK Nehru, a seasoned diplomat and a close aide of Gandhi, wrote a letter hailing the Emergency as a "tour de force of immense courage and power produced by popular support" and urged Gandhi to seize the moment. Parliamentary democracy had "not been able to provide the answer to our needs", Nehru wrote. In this system the executive was continuously dependent on the support of an elected legislature "which is looking for popularity and stops any unpleasant measure". What India needed, Nehru said, was a directly elected president - freed from parliamentary dependence and capable of taking "tough, unpleasant and unpopular decisions" in the national interest, Prof Raghavan writes. The model he pointed to was de Gaulle's France - concentrating power in a strong presidency. Nehru imagined a single, seven-year presidential term, proportional representation in Parliament and state legislatures, a judiciary with curtailed powers and a press reined in by strict libel laws. He even proposed stripping fundamental rights - right to equality or freedom of speech, for example - of their justiciability. Nehru urged Indira Gandhi to "make these fundamental changes in the Constitution now when you have two-thirds majority". His ideas were "received with rapture" by the prime minister's secretary PN Dhar. Gandhi then gave Nehru approval to discuss these ideas with her party leaders but said "very clearly and emphatically" that he should not convey the impression that they had the stamp of her approval. Prof Raghavan writes that the ideas met with enthusiastic support from senior Congress leaders like Jagjivan Ram and foreign minister Swaran Singh. The chief minister of Haryana state was blunt: "Get rid of this election nonsense. If you ask me just make our sister [Indira Gandhi] President for life and there's no need to do anything else". M Karunanidhi of Tamil Nadu – one of two non-Congress chief ministers consulted - was unimpressed. When Nehru reported back to Gandhi, she remained non-committal, Prof Raghavan writes. She instructed her closest aides to explore the proposals further. What emerged was a document titled "A Fresh Look at Our Constitution: Some suggestions", drafted in secrecy and circulated among trusted advisors. It proposed a president with powers greater than even their American counterpart, including control over judicial appointments and legislation. A new "Superior Council of Judiciary", chaired by the president, would interpret "laws and the Constitution" - effectively neutering the Supreme Court. Gandhi sent this document to Dhar, who recognised it "twisted the Constitution in an ambiguously authoritarian direction". Congress president DK Barooah tested the waters by publicly calling for a "thorough re-examination" of the Constitution at the party's 1975 annual session. The idea never fully crystallised into a formal proposal. But its shadow loomed over the Forty-second Amendment Act, passed in 1976, which expanded Parliament's powers, limited judicial review and further centralised executive authority. The amendment made striking down laws harder by requiring supermajorities of five or seven judges, and aimed to dilute the Constitution's 'basic structure doctrine' that limited parliament's power. It also handed the federal government sweeping authority to deploy armed forces in states, declare region-specific Emergencies, and extend President's Rule - direct federal rule - from six months to a year. It also put election disputes out of the judiciary's reach. This was not yet a presidential system, but it carried its genetic imprint - a powerful executive, marginalised judiciary and weakened checks and balances. The Statesman newspaper warned that "by one sure stroke, the amendment tilts the constitutional balance in favour of the parliament." Meanwhile, Gandhi's loyalists were going all in. Defence minister Bansi Lal urged "lifelong power" for her as prime minister, while Congress members in the northern states of Haryana, Punjab, and Uttar Pradesh unanimously called for a new constituent assembly in October 1976. "The prime minister was taken aback. She decided to snub these moves and hasten the passage of the amendment bill in the parliament," writes Prof Raghavan. By December 1976, the bill had been passed by both houses of parliament and ratified by 13 state legislatures and signed into law by the president. After Gandhi's shock defeat in 1977, the short-lived Janata Party - a patchwork of anti-Gandhi forces - moved quickly to undo the damage. Through the Forty-third and Forty-fourth Amendments, it rolled back key parts of the Forty Second, scrapping authoritarian provisions and restoring democratic checks and balances. Gandhi was swept back to power in January 1980, after the Janata Party government collapsed due to internal divisions and leadership struggles. Curiously, two years later, prominent voices in the party again mooted the idea of a presidential system. In 1982, with President Sanjiva Reddy's term ending, Gandhi seriously considered stepping down as prime minister to become president of India. Her principal secretary later revealed she was "very serious" about the move. She was tired of carrying the Congress party on her back and saw the presidency as a way to deliver a "shock treatment to her party, thereby giving it a new stimulus". Ultimately, she backed down. Instead, she elevated Zail Singh, her loyal home minister, to the presidency. Despite serious flirtation, India never made the leap to a presidential system. Did Gandhi, a deeply tactical politician, hold herself back ? Or was there no national appetite for radical change and India's parliamentary system proved sticky? There was a hint of presidential drift in the early 1970s, as India's parliamentary democracy - especially after 1967 - grew more competitive and unstable, marked by fragile coalitions, according to Prof Raghavan. Around this time, voices began suggesting that a presidential system might suit India better. The Emergency became the moment when these ideas crystallised into serious political thinking. "The aim was to reshape the system in ways that immediately strengthened her hold on power. There was no grand long-term design - most of the lasting consequences of her [Gandhi's] rule were likely unintended," Prof Raghavan told the BBC. "During the Emergency, her primary goal was short-term: to shield her office from any challenge. The Forty Second Amendment was crafted to ensure that even the judiciary couldn't stand in her way." The itch for a presidential system within the Congress never quite faded. As late as April 1984, senior minister Vasant Sathe launched a nationwide debate advocating a shift to presidential governance - even while in power. But six months later, Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards in Delhi, and with her, the conversation abruptly died. India stayed a parliamentary democracy. India media: Papers remember 1975 emergency Indira Gandhi: The Centre of Everything India's State of Emergency

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store