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Chicago Tribune
6 days ago
- Business
- Chicago Tribune
Seeking stiff sentence for Madigan, feds allege secret effort to block rules on legislators practicing before state tax board
A parade of witnesses in Michael Madigan's recent corruption trial — including Madigan himself — insisted there were airtight protocols in place to avoid any potential conflicts of interest between the powerful Democratic House speaker's public duties and his private job as a property tax attorney. But in asking a federal judge to sentence Madigan to 12 1/2 years in prison, prosecutors wrote in a lengthy court filing Friday that in reality he was working behind the scenes to exert his unmatched political powers to help his own bottom line. To boost their point, prosecutors described an alleged episode of backroom political intrigue that was not presented to the jury at trial: The 2018 derailment of a proposal by Gov. Bruce Rauner that directly threatened to reduce profits at Madigan's law firm. It centered on an executive order that Rauner, a Republican and arch political nemesis of Madigan's, issued in January 2018 prohibiting state legislators and other officials from practicing before the Property Tax Appeal Board — a quasi-judicial body providing taxpayers a state forum to contest a property's assessment. In late 2018, the proposed amendment was pending before the Joint Committee on Administrative Rules, bipartisan committee that reviews rules promulgated by various state agencies that governors oversee. On Nov. 6, 2018, the day that Rauner lost his reelection campaign to JB Pritzker, Madigan told his longtime confidant, retired lobbyist Michael McClain, in a wiretapped phone call that the amendment was scheduled for hearing at JCAR's meeting the next week. Madigan suggested that McClain send lobbyist John Bradley, a Madigan loyalist and former ranking House Democratic lawmaker, to warn the property tax board chairman that ''there's gonna be a lawsuit and there's gonna be depositions,'' according to the filing. ''And you're gonna be asked, 'Did you take directives from the governor's office, which is contrary to how the statute reads,' the filing quoted Madigan as saying how Bradley should approach it. ''You're supposed to be independent. So why don't you withdraw that thing? … 'Get yourself out of trouble.'' McClain responded, 'Yup, will do,' according to the filing. The conversation marks another instance where Bradley, who was not charged allegedly had cozy interactions with Madigan. According to trial testimony, Bradley served as a go-between for do-nothing ComEd contracts and several of the speaker's allies, and also agreed to send monthly checks to 13th Ward lieutenant Kevin Quinn, the brother of Madigan's handpicked 13th Ward Ald. Marty Quinn, who had been fired over sexual harassment allegations. On Nov. 13, 2018, shortly before the JCAR meeting, Bradley told McClain that another intermediary had 'completed his mission' and had received a 'favorable response,' prosecutors said, describing a wiretapped call that was not played in Madigan's trial. The name of the other intermediary was blacked out in the filing. After the meeting, McClain reported to Madigan the good news on the vote, which was unanimous in blocking the Rauner maneuver, according to prosecutors. 'Eleven to zero prohibition on PTAB,' McClain said, according to the government filing. 'So, it's over.' Madigan responded, 'Mhm, okay, very good,' according to the filing, which did not spell out why the episode wasn't presented to the jury. In their next meeting in early 2019, then-PTAB Chairman Mauro Glorioso reported that JCAR had found the tax board 'has no statutory authority to take the action embodied in the rulemaking, and the finding that the rulemaking represents a severe threat to the public interest,' according to meeting minutes posted online. Glorioso filed a notice of withdrawal of the rulemaking, which passed 5-0, the minutes stated. Glorioso, a Republican attorney from Westchester, did not immediately return calls seeking comment Tuesday. In their sentencing filing Friday, Madigan's attorneys asked U.S. District Judge John Robert Blakey for a period of probation with some home confinement, citing Madigan's age, his long record of public service and reputation for honesty and integrity. Any response from the defense to what prosecutors alleged in their filing is due Friday. At trial, Madigan's attorney presented a series of witnesses who all testified that Madigan was careful to avoid any conflicts of interest. Among them was Madigan himself, who testified in his own defense in January that he routinely recused himself voting on any real estate transfer legislation involving state-owned land, and had his law partner and top staffers constantly combing through potential clients, looking for red flags. Justin Cox, a former top attorney for the speaker, testified Madigan never voted on land transfer bills even if they dealt with property far from Chicago. 'He would not vote on land transfer bills just to prevent any question of 'was there a conflict here?'' Cox said. 'And that wouldn't just be for properties in Cook County area, that would be for properties all across the state.' Madigan's former law partner, Vincent 'Bud' Getzendanner, testified that potential clients who'd had business with the General Assembly or the House of Representatives would be flagged so the firm would not contract with them. Beyond those groups, Getzendanner testified, their firm would also avoid working with unions, lobbyists and even nursing homes due to their connections to state government. Madigan's attorneys presented communications from Getzendanner showing he shared lists of potential clients who'd been flagged with the speaker's House staff so they could identify and eliminate any potential conflicts. In their filing, however, prosecutors said Madigan's explanation on what Bradley should say to Glorioso was 'another example of Madigan priming the listener, the person to whom he is speaking, with seemingly legal or logical reasons to cover the improper personal gains Madigan was trying to secure for himself.' The jury heard Madigan doing the same thing, prosecutors said, in a videotaped conversation between the speaker and then-Ald. Daniel Solis, who was secretly cooperating with the FBI. In that video, Madigan pulled Solis aside before a meeting with developers at his law office and scolded him for using the words 'quid pro quo' in an earlier phone call. Madigan told Solis, 'You're just recommending our law firm—because if, if they don't get a good result on the real estate taxes, the whole project would be in trouble. So you want high quality representation.' 'The bogus justification that Madigan articulated for Solis on that occasion was a similar false narrative designed to secure the end Madigan sought to achieve — continuing to use Solis as a source of law firm clients,' prosecutors wrote. As for Madigan's use of Bradley and McClain to allegedly do his dirty work, prosecutors said 'concealment and secrecy were the hallmarks of Madigan's conduct.' 'The JCAR incident is one example of how Madigan used intermediaries, or surrogates, to insulate himself and to cause others to dirty their hands on his behalf,' the filing stated. 'McClain was Madigan's lead surrogate for years. McClain willingly allowed Madigan to use him to, in McClain's words, avoid Madigan's 'fingerprints' being left. McClain and Madigan faced trial together. A jury in February deadlocked on all counts related to McClain and delivered a mixed verdict for Madigan, finding the former speaker guilty on 10 of 23 counts but acquitting him on several others. The jury also deadlocked on the marquee charge of racketeering for both Madigan and McClain. McClain still faces sentencing in July, however, in the related 'ComEd Four' bribery conspiracy case.
Yahoo
20-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Rockford residents protest Trump's immigration policies
ROCKFORD, Ill. (WTVO) — Protests against President Trump's immigration policies sparked discussion at Davis Park on Saturday. This protest was a part of a nationwide protest for 50501 Day. 50501 means 50 states, 50 protests with one movement. Residents protested not only immigration policy but reduction of the federal workforce and sweeping executive actions. Over 200 people made their voices heard, including community advocates, leadership groups and 13th Ward Alderman Tamir Bell. Bell encouraged residents to continue making their voices heard. 'I encourage each and every one of you to find what you're passionate about, organize, mobilize, and empower those around you to make a difference in this community and across the country,' Bell said. The protest is an extension of the April 5th 'Hands Off' protests. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Chicago Tribune
12-02-2025
- Politics
- Chicago Tribune
Michael Madigan convicted of bribery conspiracy at landmark trial; jury cannot agree on racketeering
A federal jury Wednesday convicted former House Speaker Michael Madigan, once the most powerful person in Illinois politics, of bribery conspiracy charges in a wide-ranging case alleging he ran his governmental and political operations like a criminal enterprise. But the jury could not agree on the racketeering conspiracy count at the center of the case. The panel also was deadlocked on all counts against Madigan co-defendant Michael McClain. The guilty verdict caps one of the most significant political corruption investigations in Chicago's sordid history and cements an extraordinary personal fall for Madigan, the longest-serving state legislative leader in the nation's history who for decades held an iron-tight grip on the House as well as the state Democratic Party. It came after the panel Wednesday morning they had reached a partial decision but were deadlocked on 12 counts. Both sides wished to accept the partial verdict. The marquee racketeering charge headed a 23-count indictment first filed against Madigan and his longtime confidant, Michael McClain, in 2022. The conviction on racketeering carries a maximum of 20 years in prison, though the 82-year-old Madigan would likely get far less. No date has yet been scheduled for sentencing. The four-month trial was the culmination of a decade-long corruption investigation that has already felled several of Madigan's associates – but a guilty verdict for Madigan is easily the most significant victory for federal prosecutors. Madigan, whose vaunted 13th Ward political operation was one of the last vestiges of the old Democratic machine at work, a system that rewarded loyal campaign workers with patronage jobs and focused on constituent services and old-fashioned door-knocking to drum up support. In Springfield, Madigan wielded an almost mythical power over legislation, developing a cadre of loyal staffers who often continued to support the speaker after moving on to high-powered lobbying or consulting jobs. Madigan was also known as meticulous and old-school, eschewing cell phones and email for his entire career and consistently keeping his cards close to the vest. During the trial, jurors learned that Madigan often was so silent during negotiations that he'd earned the nickname 'the Sphinx.' It took long-running wiretaps and two undercover FBI moles – one of whom, Daniel Solis, wore a wire while in office as 25th Ward alderman – to fell Madigan. Madigan, of Chicago's Southwest Side, and McClain, 77, a retired lobbyist from downstate Quincy, were indicted three years ago on charges alleging they conspired with utility giants ComEd and AT&T Illinois to funnel payments through do-nothing subcontracts to a handful of the speaker's closest allies. The charges also alleged Madigan pressured real estate developers into hiring his law firm to do property tax appeals, and conspired with McClain to pass legislation transferring a parcel of state-owned land in Chinatown. The decision by the eight-woman, four man jury is sure to reverberate in the halls of power, from Chicago to the state capitol where Madigan, one of the last vestiges of the old Democratic machine built by Mayor Richard J. Daley, held sway for five decades, including nearly 40 years as speaker. The evidence The jury heard from more than 60 witnesses over the course of the trial, which covered nearly a decades' worth of evidence about an array of purported schemes. The first phase of trial largely mirrored the evidence in the 'ComEd Four' trial. Jurors heard a slew of wiretapped phone calls and watched a series of undercover videos in which ComEd executives scrambled to appease Madigan by hiring his recommended candidates for everything from internships to a seat on the board. The bulk of the ComEd allegations, however, centered on a cadre of Madigan allies who were paid a total of $1.3 million from 2011 through 2019 through allegedly do-nothing consulting contracts. Among the recipients were two former aldermen, Frank Olivo and Michael Zalewski, precinct captains Ray Nice and Edward Moody, and former state Rep. Edward Acevedo. Madigan's attorneys argued he didn't know his associates weren't doing any work and was personally angered when he found out. In his closing argument, Assistant U.S. Attorney Amarjeet Bhachu scoffed at idea that Madigan was unaware of the scheme and that the payments were simply 'favors.' 'If you're thinking of a bribe, you could not find an envelope big enough to contain all that money,' Bhachu said. 'It is a gigantic amount of money.' The evidence then turned to several counts that hinged on the testimony of Daniel Solis, the 25th Ward alderman-turned-FBI mole who secretly recorded Madigan trying to win business for his private law firm. Solis, prosecutors' most memorable witness, got an unprecedented cooperation deal that will likely leave the former Zoning Committee chairman without a criminal conviction for his various misdeeds – and keep him eligible to receive his lucrative city pension. But Solis' testimony also brought his checkered past to the forefront: including shady dealings with campaign contributors, an affair with his Chinese translator, even an episode that found him in a Shanghai hotel room with a briefcase full of cash. In his closing argument, Madigan attorney Daniel Collins told the jury it all amounted to one truth: 'You cannot trust Danny Solis.' 'Cannot trust him,' Collins said. 'He's got his own agenda, and he's as sly as a fox.' Prosecutors wrapped up their case with evidence regarding AT&T Illinois, including controversial testimony from ex-Rep. Edward Acevedo, who the telecom company allegedly hired for a do-nothing job as a bribe to Madigan. But perhaps no evidence was more memorable – or more surprising – than the ex-speaker's decision to take the stand on his own behalf. The veteran politician was often tight-lipped and cryptic toward reporters during his time in Springfield. But he put on a warm and personable show for jurors, befitting the defense's argument that Madigan was simply a hardworking public servant who loved to help constituents. On the stand, he flatly denied knowledge of any schemes that the evidence could not explicitly tie him to – and he gave innocuous explanations for the evidence that did. The choice to take the stand was risky, however, and opened the door for prosecutors to introduce evidence that until then had been barred. Most prominently, the now-infamous 'bandits' tape, on which Madigan is heard chuckling about how some ComEd subcontractors 'made out like bandits' for little to no work. Collins said in his closing remarks that in their blind pursuit of a powerful politician, prosecutors saw only the Madigan 'myth,' not the man with a blue-collar upbringing and reputation for consensus-building. In arguments that frequently ridiculed the government's case as weak and illogical, Cotter emphasized that there is a hard line between lobbying and bribery. Bribery requires a clear intent and agreement to exchange something for official action, Cotter said. 'A bribe involves an exchange, a 'this for that.' Lobbying does not. Lobbying does not. Lobbying is about hope. It's a profession about hope, no guarantees, no exchanges,' Cotter said. 'Building trust and credibility … is not a bribe.' Prosecutors, meanwhile, returned to what they told the jury at the beginning: that the trial was about corruption at the highest levels of state government, where Madigan and McClain schemed to leverage the speaker's power for profit, both for himself and his associates. Bhachu ended his rebuttal by showing the jury a handwritten note McClain wrote to Madigan in 2016, telling the speaker that Illinois was a better place because he had his 'hand on the rudder.' 'And that was true — Mr. Madigan did have his hand on the rudder of the state,' Bhachu said. 'He also had something else in his hand. He had the trust that was placed in him by each and every member of the public. Mr. Madigan abused that trust. He lost his way. He was blinded by profit, by power, by his desire to stay in power.' The political fallout The political repercussions of the federal investigation already had cost Madigan the speakership even before he was indicted, and his successor, Rep. Emanuel 'Chris' Welch, D-Hillside, is well ensconced at the beginning of his third, two-year term as speaker. Now that there is a verdict, the next major question is whether the outcome of the trial will provide any impetus for change in Springfield, where Democrats control the House, Senate and governor's office. They've dabbled in small-bore reforms under Gov. JB Pritzker since the federal investigation broke open. Despite looking for ways to polish his resume for a potential presidential run, Pritzker has yet to embrace an across-the-board overhaul of the free-wheeling political atmosphere that makes Illinois a national laughingstock. Regardless of the ultimate verdict, jurors in the Madigan trial saw irrevocable proof of Springfield's messy overlap of money, special interests, power politics and extraordinarily cozy relationships between lawmakers and lobbyists. Toppling Madigan from his throne showed the power of federal prosecutors to damage the career of a singular political figure, but a verdict alone ignores the question of whether Pritzker and the Democrats who rule Illinois will take on the less-than-stellar system that consistently puts Illinois public officials in front of a judge. The Madigan trial has amplified the findings of the Tribune's 'Culture of Corruption' series last year that documented how weak laws on campaign finance, ballot access, lobbying, ethics and oversight, and the byzantine structure of local government have all but encouraged politicians to stretch–and sometimes cross–the lines between what is legal and illegal. Four of the state's last 11 governors and nearly 40 Chicago aldermen in the last half century have served time in prison. State lawmakers and local officials from around Illinois also have worn out the paths to prison cells over the decades. Even now, state Sen. Emil Jones III, the Chicago Democrat whose father once served as Illinois Senate president, has a federal corruption case still pending in Chicago. He has pleaded not guilty. The last major push in Illinois for reform came 16 years ago after the legislature impeached and removed Gov. Rod Blagojevich. His successor, fellow Democrat Pat Quinn, created the Illinois Reform Commission, which made progress in Springfield but in the end did little to enact the sweeping changes that advocates wanted. Madigan downfall Madigan held the speakership for all but two years from 1983 until 2021, only getting knocked off the throne during the 1994 nationwide Republican tide that swept Rep. Lee Daniels of Elmhurst into the top spot in the Illinois House and Newt Gingrich into the U.S. House speakership. Along with ruling the House, Madigan chaired the Illinois Democratic Party from 1998 until 2021, resigning both his House seat and the party post after he lost the speakership. Madigan's hold on the House Democratic caucus started loosening in the wake of a series of explosive sexual harassment cases involving misbehaving aides in 2018, including longtime chief of staff Tim Mapes. But the momentum picked up speed in July 2020 when the U.S. attorney's office reached a deferred prosecution agreement with ComEd, which acknowledged trying to influence Madigan by showering his pals and associates with do-nothing contracts, legal work and a seat on the ComEd board of directors. While ComEd agreed to pay a $200 million fine, the biggest political marker in the agreement was that Madigan was referenced clearly when the court document called the speaker of the House 'Public Official A.' Madigan became a flashpoint in the 2020 elections as his political baggage was widely blamed for the defeat of a Democrat on the Illinois Supreme Court and Democratic Gov. JB Pritzker's signature proposal to increase the income tax on people with the biggest paychecks. Only weeks after the election, McClain and three others were indicted in the separate ComEd Four case. The cascading events caused 19 House Democrats, mostly women, to refuse to support Madigan for another term as speaker, ending his record-setting run and putting in place current Speaker Emanuel 'Chris' Welch, D-Hillside.
