Latest news with #2024Elections
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Automotive
- Yahoo
GOP downplays Trump-Musk feud's impact on midterms
Republicans are downplaying concerns that the feud between President Trump and Elon Musk will hamper the party's chances of defending their majorities in the House and the Senate next year. In the midst of the escalating war of words on Thursday, Musk claimed Trump would not have won the White House without him last year and floated the idea of launching a third party. Musk has also threatened to use his financial war chest and platform to challenge Republicans backing Trump's legislative agenda. However, many Republicans say Trump's influence within the party is strong enough to withstand any kind of political challenge from Musk. Others even say they still think Musk is a part of their team. 'I think if you're a Republican in a primary and you have Trump's support and Elon's opposition, you're going to be okay,' said Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.), adding that the president would eclipse Musk 'by a 10 or 100-fold.' Musk notably took credit for Trump's White House during his keyboard war with Trump on Thursday, claiming Democrats would control the House and hold a 51 to 49 majority in the Senate. The billionaire was the single largest donor in the 2024 general election, spending nearly $300 million. Musk's political action committee, America PAC, supported Trump and a number of Republicans running in key congressional races. The PAC has remained active during Trump's second administration, spending over $18 million in a closely watched race for a Wisconsin Supreme Court seat. The group has also promoted Trump's work this cycle, releasing its first television ad following Trump's joint address to Congress earlier this year. But despite the resources poured into Wisconsin, the Democratic-backed candidate won the court seat in what was described by critics as an embarrassment for Musk. America PAC spent millions in 18 competitive House races. Ten of the PAC's backed GOP House candidates won their elections, while the other 8 lost. 'America PAC spent $20 million on House races but none of that was super consequential— none of it was on TV, just digital and canvassing,' said one national Republican operative, who noted Musk was still on the GOP 'team.' Speaker Mike Johnson called Musk 'a big contributor in the last election' in an interview on CNBC's 'Squawk Box' on Friday, but said it was ultimately 'a whole team effort.' 'I mean, President Trump is the most consequential political figure of his generation, of modern American history. He is the one responsible for that,' Johnson said. 'But we all worked hard. We delivered the House majority. I traveled the country nonstop. I did over 360 campaign events in 250 cities and 40 states, and I logged enough miles last year to circle the globe five and a half times. I mean, I contributed to it as well. All of our House Republicans did.' Democrats have spent much of the first half of this year making Musk a boogeyman of sorts, painting him as out of touch with most Americans. The feud between Trump and Musk does not appear to be changing that strategy going into the midterms. 'Democrats are going to win by highlighting the fact that Republicans are failing at lowering costs because they are too busy pushing tax breaks for the ultra-wealthy and big corporations, while making the rest of us pay for them,' said Viet Shelton, a spokesperson for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. 'Elon is, and forever will be, an instantly-recognizable manifestation of the fact that House Republicans don't work for the American people, they work for the billionaires.' Some Republicans remain weary of Musk, noting his massive online following that is made up of over 220 million followers on his platform X. Musk's views on the debt are widely shared by fiscally conservative voters. 'If Musk makes the national debt and deficit his defining issue and starts backing candidates who share that focus, it could create a real fracture inside the GOP. Trump's economic agenda has never been about fiscal restraint,' said a former White House communications aide who worked in the first Trump administration. 'If Musk begins channeling serious money into candidates who want to draw a hard line on spending and debt, you could see a Freedom Caucus 2.0 emerge — this time with financial firepower and a mandate to push back on Trump and Speaker Johnson's spending ambitions,' the aide said. But Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.), a member of the House Freedom Caucus, threw cold water on the notion that the feud could jeopardize Republicans in the midterms. 'No, I don't think so. Now everybody's got to decide that. We all have one vote and we'll see,' Norman told The Hill. 'But I hope he keeps doing what he's doing and the team of people he put together, I want to do it statewide. Each state, I would do just what he's done with the federal government,' he added, referring to Musk's leadership at the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). DOGE Subcommittee Chair Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) noted the importance of all of Trump's 2024 donors and supporters, including Musk, but suggested the two take their feud offline. 'I think every single American that voted for us deserves credit and Elon Musk is one vote,' Greene told reporters. 'I've said that every single vote and every single donor matters whether they've donated a dollar or hundreds of millions of dollars.' 'I don't think lashing out on the internet is the way to handle any kind of disagreement, especially when you have each other's cell phones,' she said. –Alex Gangitano and Emily Brooks contributed. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Wall Street Journal
3 days ago
- Business
- Wall Street Journal
Trump Warns Musk of ‘Serious Consequences' if He Backs Democrats
BEDMINSTER, N.J.—President Trump warned former right-hand-man Elon Musk to stay out of the midterm elections, threatening 'very serious consequences' if he backed Democrats in the campaign. Musk, who crossed Trump by staunchly opposing his 'big, beautiful' tax-and-spending bill over deficit concerns, said last week that anyone who votes for this bill should be fired. Some Democrats have suggested that they try to win Musk over to their side, despite his being villainized by the party for his sweeping cuts to government staff. The billionaire spent about $300 million backing Trump and Republican candidates in the 2024 elections.
CTV News
3 days ago
- Automotive
- CTV News
Trump says Elon Musk could face ‘serious consequences' if he backs Democratic candidates
Tesla and SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, from left, Republican presidential nominee former President Donald Trump and Republican vice presidential nominee Sen. JD Vance, R-Ohio, attend a campaign event, Oct. 5, 2024, in Butler, Pa. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon, File) BRIDGEWATER, N.J. — U.S. President Donald Trump is not backing off his battle with Elon Musk, saying Saturday that he has no desire to repair their relationship and warning that his former ally and campaign benefactor could face 'serious consequences' if he tries to help Democrats in upcoming elections. Trump told NBC's Kristen Welker in a phone interview that he has no plans to make up with Musk. Asked specifically if he thought his relationship with the mega-billionaire CEO of Tesla and SpaceX is over, Trump responded, 'I would assume so, yeah.' 'I'm too busy doing other things,' Trump continued. 'You know, I won an election in a landslide. I gave him a lot of breaks, long before this happened, I gave him breaks in my first administration, and saved his life in my first administration, I have no intention of speaking to him.' The U.S. president also issued a warning amid chatter that Musk could back Democratic lawmakers and candidates in the 2026 midterm elections. 'If he does, he'll have to pay the consequences for that,' Trump told NBC, though he declined to share what those consequences would be. Musk's businesses have many lucrative federal contracts. The president's latest comments suggest Musk is moving from close ally to a potential new target for Trump, who has aggressively wielded the powers of his office to crack down on critics and punish perceived enemies. As a major government contractor, Musk's businesses could be particularly vulnerable to retribution. The dramatic rupture between the president and the world's richest man began Thursday, with Musk's public criticism of Trump's 'big beautiful bill' pending on Capitol Hill. Musk has warned that the bill will increase the federal deficit and called it a 'disgusting abomination.' Trump and Musk began trading bitterly personal attacks on social media, sending the White House and GOP congressional leaders scrambling to assess the fallout. U.S. Vice President JD Vance, in an interview Friday, tried to downplay the feud. He said Musk was making a 'huge mistake' going after Trump, but tried to downplay it as an 'emotional guy' getting frustrated. 'I hope that eventually Elon comes back into the fold. Maybe that's not possible now because he's gone so nuclear,' Vance said. Other Republicans in recent days urged the two men to mend fences. Musk's torrent of social media posts attacking Trump came as the president portrayed him as disgruntled and 'CRAZY' and threatened to cut the government contracts held by his businesses. Musk, who runs electric vehicle maker Tesla, internet company Starlink and rocket company SpaceX, lambasted Trump's centerpiece tax cuts and spending bill but also suggested Trump should be impeached and claimed without evidence that the government was concealing information about the president's association with infamous pedophile Jeffrey Epstein. 'Look, it happens to everybody,' Vance said in the interview. 'I've flown off the handle way worse than Elon Musk did in the last 24 hours.' Vance made the comments in an interview with " manosphere" comedian Theo Von, who last month joked about snorting drugs off a mixed-race baby and the sexuality of men in the U.S. Navy when he opened for Trump at a military base in Qatar. The vice president told Von that as Musk for days was calling on social media for Congress to kill Trump's 'Big Beautiful Bill,' the president was 'getting a little frustrated, feeling like some of the criticisms were unfair coming from Elon, but I think has been very restrained because the president doesn't think that he needs to be in a blood feud with Elon Musk.' 'I actually think if Elon chilled out a little bit, everything would be fine,' he added. Musk appeared by Saturday morning to have deleted his posts about Epstein. The interview was taped Thursday as Musk's posts were unfurling on X, the social media network the billionaire owns. During the interview, Von showed the vice president Musk's claim that Trump's administration hasn't released all the records related to Epstein because Trump is mentioned in them. Vance responded to that, saying, 'Absolutely not. Donald Trump didn't do anything wrong with Jeffrey Epstein.' 'This stuff is just not helpful,' Vance said in response to another post shared by Musk calling for Trump to be impeached and replaced with Vance. 'It's totally insane. The president is doing a good job.' Vance called Musk an 'incredible entrepreneur,' and said that Musk's Department of Government Efficiency, which sought to cut government spending and laid off or pushed out thousands of workers, was 'really good.' The vice president also defended the bill that has drawn Musk's ire, and said its central goal was not to cut spending but to extend the 2017 tax cuts approved in Trump's first term. The bill would slash spending but also leave some 10.9 million more people without health insurance and spike deficits by US$2.4 trillion over the decade, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office. 'It's a good bill,' Vance said. 'It's not a perfect bill.' He also said it was ridiculous for some House Republicans who voted for the bill but later found parts objectionable to claim they hadn't had time to read it. Vance said the text had been available for weeks and said, 'the idea that people haven't had an opportunity to actually read it is ridiculous.' Elsewhere in the interview, Vance laughed as Von cracked jokes about famed abolitionist Frederick Douglass' sexuality. 'We're gonna talk to the Smithsonian about putting up an exhibit on that,' Vance joked. 'And Theo Von, you can be the narrator for this new understanding of the history of Frederick Douglass.' The podcaster also asked the vice president if he 'got high' on election night to celebrate Trump's victory. Vance laughed and joked that he wouldn't admit it if he did. 'I did not get high,' he then said. 'I did have a fair amount to drink that night.' The interview was taped in Nashville at a restaurant owned by musician Kid Rock, a Trump ally. Article by Michelle L. Price and Bill Barrow.
CNN
01-06-2025
- Business
- CNN
Why working-class people of color may determine MAGA's political future
The cornerstone of the modern Republican coalition continued to shrink as a share of the electorate in 2024, raising the stakes for whether the GOP can hold President Donald Trump's landmark gains among minority voters. Even with Trump having inspired robust turnout among white adults without a college education, two new analyses found those solidly Republican-leaning voters continued their long-term decline as a proportion of all voters in 2024. Trump offset that decline mostly by winning a bigger share of non-White voters, especially men and those without a four-year college degree, than he did in his first two presidential races. But polls now consistently show Trump's approval rating among those minority voters dropping below his 2024 vote share among them, and his standing for managing the economy falling even further. Republicans once viewed Trump's improving performance with minority voters as a luxury for a party powered primarily by its overwhelming margins among blue-collar White people. But as that bloc continues its seemingly irrevocable decline, rebuilding Trump's support among non-White voters for the 2026 midterms and beyond is becoming a GOP necessity. 'Trump was able to get out a lot of White voters who had not participated in the process, but it's still not enough,' said Alfonso Aguilar, director of Hispanic engagement for the conservative American Principles Project. 'You still need that broad coalition.' The receding of blue-collar White people in the electorate is one of the most enduring trends in American politics. White people without a college degree made up about two-thirds of all voters around the time of Ronald Reagan's two presidential victories in the early 1980s, according to an analysis of census data by William Frey, a demographer at the center-left Brookings Metro think tank. They dipped below 50% of voters for the first time in the 2008 presidential election. Over the three elections with Trump on the ballot, Frey's calculations show, White people without a college degree have fallen as a share of the electorate by about the same amount each time — just over 2 percentage points. They edged below 40% of all voters for the first time in 2020, according to census data, and slipped again to just over 37% of the vote in 2024. Other major data sources on the electorate believe blue-collar White people represented a slightly larger share of the vote than the census found. Catalist and the AP VoteCast, for instance, both estimated that White people without a college degree cast 42% of all votes in 2024. But those sources generally show the same downward trend. Catalist has calculated that blue-collar White people declined 2 percentage points as a share of voters in every election since 2012, almost exactly the same rate of decline Frey and others have tracked in the census data. This erosion is especially striking because it has come despite Trump's undeniable success at inspiring more working-class White voters to come out on Election Day. Turnout among eligible White voters without a college education spiked from 57% in 2012 to over 64% in 2020 before dipping back below 63% in 2024, according to Frey's analysis. That was a much greater increase in participation than for Latinos or college-educated White voters over the same period. Black voter turnout in the Trump years — though robust in 2020 —has fallen considerably from its peaks in the Barack Obama era. Yet despite growing turnout, White voters without a college degree are still shrinking as a share of all voters. The explanation for that seemingly incongruous trend is that turnout is only one of the two factors that shape how large a share of actual voters each group makes up. The other factor is the number of potential voters in each group. For White people without a college degree, rising turnout isn't enough to overcome the decline in their share of the eligible voter pool as American society grows better educated and more racially diverse. 'A lot of people say demography isn't destiny, but in this case, it is,' Frey said. No amount of political mobilization by the GOP, Frey said, has been able to offset the fact that blue-collar White people 'are a smaller part of the population.' And that trend is likely to continue. From election to election, the political impact of this erosion can be almost imperceptible. The steady decline of blue-collar White people as a share of the electorate didn't prevent Trump from increasing his overall share of the vote in each of his three national campaigns. But the imprint of this change deepens over time. Trump, in his three runs for the White House, has won about two-thirds of White voters without a college degree — roughly the share that Reagan captured in his 1984 landslide, according to the exit polls. But while that support was sufficient to net Reagan nearly three-fifths of the total votes cast that year, Trump hasn't reached a majority of the popular vote in any of his three races. Trump did cross 49% and win the popular vote for the first time in 2024, but that required him to achieve a breakthrough with voters of color. Nothing may influence the GOP's prospects in 2028 and beyond more than whether the party can hold those gains — which already look more tenuous than they did last November. As White people without a four-year college degree have waned as a share of the electorate over the past generation, two other groups have surged. White people with at least a four-year college degree have grown from less than one-fifth of all voters during Bill Clinton's first victory in 1992 to just over one-third in 2024, a record high, Frey found. But minority voters have registered the biggest long-term increase. In Clinton's first victory, they cast about 15% of all votes, according to Frey's analysis of the census data; they reached nearly double that share in 2024, at just over 29%. Broadly speaking, these two growing groups have moved in opposite directions during the Trump era. Since Trump became the face of the national Republican party, Democrats have posted their best results among college-educated White voters since the development of modern opinion polling after World War II. Trump's relentlessly belligerent new term, with its focus on the cultural grievances of blue-collar White people, could leave him especially vulnerable to further defection among these voters. They may be most likely to recoil from many of his pugnacious second term priorities — like attacking elite educational institutions, slashing funding for scientific research, and raising prices on everyday goods through tariffs to restore manufacturing jobs they consider irrelevant to their lives. By contrast, Trump has made steady gains among minority voters since his first election. The exit polls, AP VoteCast and Catalist all found that Trump in 2024 posted big gains among Latinos, and solid improvement with Black and Asian American voters. Across all these groups, Trump ran especially well among men, younger voters and people without a four-year college degree. Despite his aggressive rhetoric on race-inflected issues like immigration, crime and diversity, 'the sense of Trump as an existential threat to Black and Latino communities just wasn't there in 2024,' said Manuel Pastor, director of the Equity Research Institute at the University of Southern California. Matt Morrison, executive director of Working America, a group that politically organizes working-class voters who are not in unions, said those results showed the mounting consequences of Democrats' failure to deliver an economic message that blue-collar workers find persuasive. 'The same problems that I think Democrats had with White non-college voters, in terms of not having a sufficiently clear product on offer for them, are now showing up in these other communities,' he said. Polls show that these groups continue to express relatively little confidence in Democrats. But Trump's standing with them also looks much weaker today. Multiple national polls around his 100th day in office put his approval rating among non-White voters without a college education at just 27%-29%, which is lower than the roughly one-third of the vote he attracted from them in 2024. Those blue-collar voters of color, many of whom are economically squeezed, express overwhelming opposition in surveys to Trump's tariff agenda. Aguilar believes Trump has demonstrated that the audience for conservative messaging on cultural issues such as transgender rights and a tougher approach to border security was greater than Democrats believed, particularly among Hispanic voters. But he said it would be a mistake for Republicans to assume that Trump's record 2024 performance among Hispanic voters represents a reliable new floor for the party. Instead, he maintains, Trump's capacity to defend those gains will depend on whether he can ease the cost-of-living squeeze on Hispanic Americans more effectively than President Joe Biden did and whether he can assuage growing concerns about his deportation agenda targeting people who are not criminals. While Hispanic voters 'before were moving to the Democratic Party, they are now swing voters,' Aguilar said. 'What matters with Trump is results.' Most Democrats believe that blue-collar non-White voters remain more open to them than working-class White voters. Morrison noted that even when his door-to-door canvassers can deliver an effective economic message to blue-collar White people, they often still collide against a visceral affinity for Trump's polarizing racial and cultural messages. That second line of defense for Trump, he says, is rarely present to the same degree among working-class minority voters. 'They are clearly not as anchored to that (cultural) appeal,' Morrison says. Yet Morrison agreed the persistence of Trump's gains signals that 'it continues to be a struggle' for Democrats to win the votes of working-class minorities. Dan Kanninen, the battleground states director for the Joe Biden and Kamala Harris campaigns in 2024, likewise said that even if Democrats recover some ground with those voters in 2026 because of dissatisfaction over the economy, they could struggle again 2028 if they don't rebuild their own economic credibility. 'That's still dangerous for Democrats,' Kanninen said. 'The non-White, non-college voters, they may not like Trump, but they don't feel Democrats have shown up for them.' These tectonic changes in the electorate's composition interact in different ways to shape the environment in each campaign. Democrats formerly faced a structural disadvantage in midterm elections because they relied so heavily on younger and non-White voters whose turnout plummeted outside the presidential year; now both parties believe midterms favor Democrats because of their strength among college-educated adults, who are the most reliable voters in off-year elections. Conversely, the electorate's new alignment presents greater challenges for Democrats in presidential elections, when turnout rises among casual voters, particularly those who are younger or non-White or who lack college degrees. All of the major data sources agree that during presidential years, voters without a college degree significantly outnumber those with at least a four-year degree — a point stressed by those who believe Republicans have now opened a durable edge over Democrats in the battle for the White House. Yet even on that front the balance is shifting. From 2000 to 2023, the number of adult US citizens without a four-year college degree grew by only about 3.5 million, Pastor has calculated from Census data. Over the same period, the number of adult citizens with a four-year college degree increased by more than 32 million. In 2000, about 1 in 8 Black and 1 in 10 Latino adult citizens held at least a four-year college degree. Now, in both groups, the share of college-educated adult citizens has roughly doubled to more than 1 in 5, Pastor found. In Catalist's data, people with at least a four-year college degree cast 41% of the vote in 2024, up from 32% in 2008. The Electoral College and the Senate still magnify the influence of working-class White voters beyond their overall presence in society because they are so heavily represented in smaller states and many key battlegrounds (particularly the former 'blue wall' states of the industrial Midwest). But from almost every other direction, the math is increasing the pressure on the GOP to preserve Trump's beachhead among working-class minority voters. White people without a four-year college degree are shrinking in the voter pool, probably irreversibly. Both White and non-White people with a college degree are growing as a share of the electorate, and both groups seem likely to continue tilting against the GOP in the near term, possibly by wider margins than in 2024. The full implications of these changes were obscured in 2024 because the widespread dissatisfaction with Biden's record allowed Trump to run competitively with all those groups. But over the long term, the GOP's best path out of this demographic squeeze is to hold, and even expand, Trump's gains with working-class Asian, Black and, above all, Latino voters. Despite his sagging second-term poll numbers with those groups, Trump might yet succeed in doing exactly that. But the irony of the situation is inescapable. Hardly anyone might have predicted that solidifying minority voters' support would be crucial to the president's political legacy, nearly a decade after he first descended the escalator in Trump Tower to give a campaign announcement speech in which he depicted Mexican immigrants as rapists and drug dealers.
CNN
01-06-2025
- Business
- CNN
Why working-class people of color may determine MAGA's political future
The cornerstone of the modern Republican coalition continued to shrink as a share of the electorate in 2024, raising the stakes for whether the GOP can hold President Donald Trump's landmark gains among minority voters. Even with Trump having inspired robust turnout among white adults without a college education, two new analyses found those solidly Republican-leaning voters continued their long-term decline as a proportion of all voters in 2024. Trump offset that decline mostly by winning a bigger share of non-White voters, especially men and those without a four-year college degree, than he did in his first two presidential races. But polls now consistently show Trump's approval rating among those minority voters dropping below his 2024 vote share among them, and his standing for managing the economy falling even further. Republicans once viewed Trump's improving performance with minority voters as a luxury for a party powered primarily by its overwhelming margins among blue-collar White people. But as that bloc continues its seemingly irrevocable decline, rebuilding Trump's support among non-White voters for the 2026 midterms and beyond is becoming a GOP necessity. 'Trump was able to get out a lot of White voters who had not participated in the process, but it's still not enough,' said Alfonso Aguilar, director of Hispanic engagement for the conservative American Principles Project. 'You still need that broad coalition.' The receding of blue-collar White people in the electorate is one of the most enduring trends in American politics. White people without a college degree made up about two-thirds of all voters around the time of Ronald Reagan's two presidential victories in the early 1980s, according to an analysis of census data by William Frey, a demographer at the center-left Brookings Metro think tank. They dipped below 50% of voters for the first time in the 2008 presidential election. Over the three elections with Trump on the ballot, Frey's calculations show, White people without a college degree have fallen as a share of the electorate by about the same amount each time — just over 2 percentage points. They edged below 40% of all voters for the first time in 2020, according to census data, and slipped again to just over 37% of the vote in 2024. Other major data sources on the electorate believe blue-collar White people represented a slightly larger share of the vote than the census found. Catalist and the AP VoteCast, for instance, both estimated that White people without a college degree cast 42% of all votes in 2024. But those sources generally show the same downward trend. Catalist has calculated that blue-collar White people declined 2 percentage points as a share of voters in every election since 2012, almost exactly the same rate of decline Frey and others have tracked in the census data. This erosion is especially striking because it has come despite Trump's undeniable success at inspiring more working-class White voters to come out on Election Day. Turnout among eligible White voters without a college education spiked from 57% in 2012 to over 64% in 2020 before dipping back below 63% in 2024, according to Frey's analysis. That was a much greater increase in participation than for Latinos or college-educated White voters over the same period. Black voter turnout in the Trump years — though robust in 2020 —has fallen considerably from its peaks in the Barack Obama era. Yet despite growing turnout, White voters without a college degree are still shrinking as a share of all voters. The explanation for that seemingly incongruous trend is that turnout is only one of the two factors that shape how large a share of actual voters each group makes up. The other factor is the number of potential voters in each group. For White people without a college degree, rising turnout isn't enough to overcome the decline in their share of the eligible voter pool as American society grows better educated and more racially diverse. 'A lot of people say demography isn't destiny, but in this case, it is,' Frey said. No amount of political mobilization by the GOP, Frey said, has been able to offset the fact that blue-collar White people 'are a smaller part of the population.' And that trend is likely to continue. From election to election, the political impact of this erosion can be almost imperceptible. The steady decline of blue-collar White people as a share of the electorate didn't prevent Trump from increasing his overall share of the vote in each of his three national campaigns. But the imprint of this change deepens over time. Trump, in his three runs for the White House, has won about two-thirds of White voters without a college degree — roughly the share that Reagan captured in his 1984 landslide, according to the exit polls. But while that support was sufficient to net Reagan nearly three-fifths of the total votes cast that year, Trump hasn't reached a majority of the popular vote in any of his three races. Trump did cross 49% and win the popular vote for the first time in 2024, but that required him to achieve a breakthrough with voters of color. Nothing may influence the GOP's prospects in 2028 and beyond more than whether the party can hold those gains — which already look more tenuous than they did last November. As White people without a four-year college degree have waned as a share of the electorate over the past generation, two other groups have surged. White people with at least a four-year college degree have grown from less than one-fifth of all voters during Bill Clinton's first victory in 1992 to just over one-third in 2024, a record high, Frey found. But minority voters have registered the biggest long-term increase. In Clinton's first victory, they cast about 15% of all votes, according to Frey's analysis of the census data; they reached nearly double that share in 2024, at just over 29%. Broadly speaking, these two growing groups have moved in opposite directions during the Trump era. Since Trump became the face of the national Republican party, Democrats have posted their best results among college-educated White voters since the development of modern opinion polling after World War II. Trump's relentlessly belligerent new term, with its focus on the cultural grievances of blue-collar White people, could leave him especially vulnerable to further defection among these voters. They may be most likely to recoil from many of his pugnacious second term priorities — like attacking elite educational institutions, slashing funding for scientific research, and raising prices on everyday goods through tariffs to restore manufacturing jobs they consider irrelevant to their lives. By contrast, Trump has made steady gains among minority voters since his first election. The exit polls, AP VoteCast and Catalist all found that Trump in 2024 posted big gains among Latinos, and solid improvement with Black and Asian American voters. Across all these groups, Trump ran especially well among men, younger voters and people without a four-year college degree. Despite his aggressive rhetoric on race-inflected issues like immigration, crime and diversity, 'the sense of Trump as an existential threat to Black and Latino communities just wasn't there in 2024,' said Manuel Pastor, director of the Equity Research Institute at the University of Southern California. Matt Morrison, executive director of Working America, a group that politically organizes working-class voters who are not in unions, said those results showed the mounting consequences of Democrats' failure to deliver an economic message that blue-collar workers find persuasive. 'The same problems that I think Democrats had with White non-college voters, in terms of not having a sufficiently clear product on offer for them, are now showing up in these other communities,' he said. Polls show that these groups continue to express relatively little confidence in Democrats. But Trump's standing with them also looks much weaker today. Multiple national polls around his 100th day in office put his approval rating among non-White voters without a college education at just 27%-29%, which is lower than the roughly one-third of the vote he attracted from them in 2024. Those blue-collar voters of color, many of whom are economically squeezed, express overwhelming opposition in surveys to Trump's tariff agenda. Aguilar believes Trump has demonstrated that the audience for conservative messaging on cultural issues such as transgender rights and a tougher approach to border security was greater than Democrats believed, particularly among Hispanic voters. But he said it would be a mistake for Republicans to assume that Trump's record 2024 performance among Hispanic voters represents a reliable new floor for the party. Instead, he maintains, Trump's capacity to defend those gains will depend on whether he can ease the cost-of-living squeeze on Hispanic Americans more effectively than President Joe Biden did and whether he can assuage growing concerns about his deportation agenda targeting people who are not criminals. While Hispanic voters 'before were moving to the Democratic Party, they are now swing voters,' Aguilar said. 'What matters with Trump is results.' Most Democrats believe that blue-collar non-White voters remain more open to them than working-class White voters. Morrison noted that even when his door-to-door canvassers can deliver an effective economic message to blue-collar White people, they often still collide against a visceral affinity for Trump's polarizing racial and cultural messages. That second line of defense for Trump, he says, is rarely present to the same degree among working-class minority voters. 'They are clearly not as anchored to that (cultural) appeal,' Morrison says. Yet Morrison agreed the persistence of Trump's gains signals that 'it continues to be a struggle' for Democrats to win the votes of working-class minorities. Dan Kanninen, the battleground states director for the Joe Biden and Kamala Harris campaigns in 2024, likewise said that even if Democrats recover some ground with those voters in 2026 because of dissatisfaction over the economy, they could struggle again 2028 if they don't rebuild their own economic credibility. 'That's still dangerous for Democrats,' Kanninen said. 'The non-White, non-college voters, they may not like Trump, but they don't feel Democrats have shown up for them.' These tectonic changes in the electorate's composition interact in different ways to shape the environment in each campaign. Democrats formerly faced a structural disadvantage in midterm elections because they relied so heavily on younger and non-White voters whose turnout plummeted outside the presidential year; now both parties believe midterms favor Democrats because of their strength among college-educated adults, who are the most reliable voters in off-year elections. Conversely, the electorate's new alignment presents greater challenges for Democrats in presidential elections, when turnout rises among casual voters, particularly those who are younger or non-White or who lack college degrees. All of the major data sources agree that during presidential years, voters without a college degree significantly outnumber those with at least a four-year degree — a point stressed by those who believe Republicans have now opened a durable edge over Democrats in the battle for the White House. Yet even on that front the balance is shifting. From 2000 to 2023, the number of adult US citizens without a four-year college degree grew by only about 3.5 million, Pastor has calculated from Census data. Over the same period, the number of adult citizens with a four-year college degree increased by more than 32 million. In 2000, about 1 in 8 Black and 1 in 10 Latino adult citizens held at least a four-year college degree. Now, in both groups, the share of college-educated adult citizens has roughly doubled to more than 1 in 5, Pastor found. In Catalist's data, people with at least a four-year college degree cast 41% of the vote in 2024, up from 32% in 2008. The Electoral College and the Senate still magnify the influence of working-class White voters beyond their overall presence in society because they are so heavily represented in smaller states and many key battlegrounds (particularly the former 'blue wall' states of the industrial Midwest). But from almost every other direction, the math is increasing the pressure on the GOP to preserve Trump's beachhead among working-class minority voters. White people without a four-year college degree are shrinking in the voter pool, probably irreversibly. Both White and non-White people with a college degree are growing as a share of the electorate, and both groups seem likely to continue tilting against the GOP in the near term, possibly by wider margins than in 2024. The full implications of these changes were obscured in 2024 because the widespread dissatisfaction with Biden's record allowed Trump to run competitively with all those groups. But over the long term, the GOP's best path out of this demographic squeeze is to hold, and even expand, Trump's gains with working-class Asian, Black and, above all, Latino voters. Despite his sagging second-term poll numbers with those groups, Trump might yet succeed in doing exactly that. But the irony of the situation is inescapable. Hardly anyone might have predicted that solidifying minority voters' support would be crucial to the president's political legacy, nearly a decade after he first descended the escalator in Trump Tower to give a campaign announcement speech in which he depicted Mexican immigrants as rapists and drug dealers.
