Latest news with #Ahmadal-Shara
Shafaq News
02-06-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Exclusive: Washington backs Israel-Syria peace efforts
Shafaq News/ The United States continues to support efforts to establish long-term stability between Israel and Syria, a State Department spokesperson confirmed exclusively to Shafaq News. 'Efforts that lead to lasting stability between Israel and Syria remain a priority,' the spokesperson said, adding that 'stability and peace in Syria serve the security interests of all parties.' When questioned about Israeli airstrikes on Syrian territory, the spokesperson referred inquiries to Israeli authorities. 'Questions regarding military operations should be directed to the Israeli authorities.' The statement comes amid reports of direct communication between Syrian and Israeli officials aimed at reducing tensions and preventing a wider confrontation along the border. In an interview published in the Jewish Journal, Syrian President Ahmad al-Shara expressed support for ending cross-border hostilities with Israel, noting that 'prosperity cannot thrive in an atmosphere of fear.' He also highlighted the potential for cooperation on shared security challenges, reflecting a shift in the regional landscape. Since the collapse of the previous government, southern Syria has seen increasing instability, including Israeli patrols in Quneitra province and the establishment of new checkpoints between Khan Arnabah and Jaba. Al-Shara called for a return to the 1974 disengagement agreement with Israel, describing it as 'a fundamental safeguard for mutual restraint and the protection of civilians, particularly the Druze communities in the Golan Heights.'
Ammon
05-05-2025
- Politics
- Ammon
Syria between internal collapse and external influence: A state no longer viable
Ammon News - Syria, never far from the frontlines of regional turmoil, returns once again through the gateway of sectarian conflict. Just two months ago, the Syrian coast witnessed horrifying massacres targeting the Alawite community. Today, the violence returns, this time targeting the Druze minority, further fueling fears of civil war and reinforcing the notion that Syria's current structure is no longer several Arab countries moved swiftly to contain the Syrian crisis and gradually support the re-stabilisation of the regime, seeking to seize a historic opportunity to fill the power vacuum, it must be acknowledged that the interim leadership under Ahmad al-Shara' ('al-Jolani') has failed the fundamental test of statehood in under two months. Lofty rhetoric has not translated into real governance. The past five months can be summed up as a phase of declarations without shift In Syria is largely a product of regional dynamics, particularly the aftermath of the October 7 war, rather than the result of an organic national revolution. This means that Syria's primary challenge remains internal: how to present a credible domestic solution, build national consensus, and construct a political system acceptable to all after years of geographical, political, and societal a single faction monopolizes power while claiming to represent the entirety of the Syrian people—or attempts to impose authority over the whole territory, it is effectively circumventing reality. This approach naturally leads, and will inevitably continue to lead, to events that exacerbate internal strife and render sustainable coexistence increasingly internal challenges dominate, regional dynamics undeniably play a decisive role in shaping Syria's internal affairs. Since the fall of the central government, Israel has acted decisively to reshape Syria's military and security landscape. It has systematically dismantled Syria's military infrastructure and made efforts to prevent any possibility of its rehabilitation. Israel has also maintained a military presence in strategic parts of Syria, which it considers essential to its future security doctrine. This de facto reality, imposed by force, has reshaped Syria's geography, but it will inevitably also impact its political and societal measures have introduced a new layer to Syria's already complex equation, and have reopened channels of internal and regional realignment. In Syria's case, the Israeli role is arguably the most dominant among external actors. Since the October 7 attack, Israel has aggressively pursued military operations in any front it considers a assertive strategy in Syria, combined with the interim leadership's failure to present a viable national solution, has pushed many Syrian communities to seek external alliances for protection and survival. The so-called interim regime has overused the mechanism of forming investigative committees, tools that quickly lose relevance with each new outbreak of violence. Moreover, repeated references to 'uncontrollable elements' only further erode the regime's image and do not absolve it of a pragmatic perspective, any genuine solution to the Syrian crisis must include substantive, innovative proposals. At the same time, such a solution must affirm the principles of plurality and grant diverse Syrian communities some measure of autonomy. Before internal divisions deepen beyond repair, Syria needs a serious political framework, one that approximates a decentralized system—preserving Syria's unity on a macro level while allowing various groups to manage their own daily affairs and safeguard their cultural identities.
Jordan Times
04-05-2025
- Politics
- Jordan Times
Syria between internal collapse and external influence: A state no longer viable
Syria, never far from the frontlines of regional turmoil, returns once again through the gateway of sectarian conflict. Just two months ago, the Syrian coast witnessed horrifying massacres targeting the Alawite community. Today, the violence returns, this time targeting the Druze minority, further fueling fears of civil war and reinforcing the notion that Syria's current structure is no longer viable. Although several Arab countries moved swiftly to contain the Syrian crisis and gradually support the re-stabilisation of the regime, seeking to seize a historic opportunity to fill the power vacuum, it must be acknowledged that the interim leadership under Ahmad al-Shara' ('al-Jolani') has failed the fundamental test of statehood in under two months. Lofty rhetoric has not translated into real governance. The past five months can be summed up as a phase of declarations without implementation. The shift In Syria is largely a product of regional dynamics, particularly the aftermath of the October 7 war, rather than the result of an organic national revolution. This means that Syria's primary challenge remains internal: how to present a credible domestic solution, build national consensus, and construct a political system acceptable to all after years of geographical, political, and societal fragmentation. When a single faction monopolizes power while claiming to represent the entirety of the Syrian people—or attempts to impose authority over the whole territory, it is effectively circumventing reality. This approach naturally leads, and will inevitably continue to lead, to events that exacerbate internal strife and render sustainable coexistence increasingly unattainable. While internal challenges dominate, regional dynamics undeniably play a decisive role in shaping Syria's internal affairs. Since the fall of the central government, Israel has acted decisively to reshape Syria's military and security landscape. It has systematically dismantled Syria's military infrastructure and made efforts to prevent any possibility of its rehabilitation. Israel has also maintained a military presence in strategic parts of Syria, which it considers essential to its future security doctrine. This de facto reality, imposed by force, has reshaped Syria's geography, but it will inevitably also impact its political and societal map. Israeli measures have introduced a new layer to Syria's already complex equation, and have reopened channels of internal and regional realignment. In Syria's case, the Israeli role is arguably the most dominant among external actors. Since the October 7 attack, Israel has aggressively pursued military operations in any front it considers a threat. Israel's assertive strategy in Syria, combined with the interim leadership's failure to present a viable national solution, has pushed many Syrian communities to seek external alliances for protection and survival. The so-called interim regime has overused the mechanism of forming investigative committees, tools that quickly lose relevance with each new outbreak of violence. Moreover, repeated references to 'uncontrollable elements' only further erode the regime's image and do not absolve it of responsibility. From a pragmatic perspective, any genuine solution to the Syrian crisis must include substantive, innovative proposals. At the same time, such a solution must affirm the principles of plurality and grant diverse Syrian communities some measure of autonomy. Before internal divisions deepen beyond repair, Syria needs a serious political framework, one that approximates a decentralized system—preserving Syria's unity on a macro level while allowing various groups to manage their own daily affairs and safeguard their cultural identities.
Ammon
28-04-2025
- Politics
- Ammon
Crafting Jordan's role in a transforming regional landscape
Ahead of US President Donald Trump's anticipated visit to Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar, efforts are intensifying to prepare the ground for the 'regional peace' agenda he seeks to make the central theme of his upcoming trip. In this context, there is growing talk of a Saudi desire to arrange a meeting in Riyadh between Syrian President Ahmad al-Shara' and the American President. Regardless of the likelihood of such a meeting materialising, developments on the Syrian front suggest tactical and pragmatic steps within a broader repositioning strategy pursued by the new Syrian regime, aiming to open a path for reintegration with the messages Al Shara' is sending go beyond internal processes. They align with a strategy of seeking US acceptance by dissociating Syrian territory from the Israel conflict equation, barring Palestinian factions from operating on Syrian soil and expressing the regime's interest in joining the Abraham Accords — all in line with Washington's ambition to redraw the map of 'regional peace.'Against this unprecedented and shifting regional backdrop, the urgency of redefining Jordan's role becomes even more pressing. Jordan's ability to craft a new, balanced and proactive regional role is among the most vital factors for safeguarding its stability and securing its national interests. It also elevates its standing in the eyes of its allies, particularly the United security cooperation remains a pillar of strength and can be leveraged to expand its political influence. However, this must be coupled with a flexible and open foreign policy rooted in the principle of 'the power of diplomacy,' rather than security considerations ahead, Jordan must embrace a deeper role, not reactive, but initiative-driven, positioning itself as a regional mediator in the most sensitive and complex regional issues, including Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon. These are intricately tied to Jordan's strategic depth, whether in terms of security, geopolitical and social extensions, or even water and economic security. Here, Jordanian diplomacy is called upon to actively shape solutions and regional understandings, not merely observe or play symbolic this external role cannot be effective unless built upon strong internal foundations. Hence the importance of addressing domestic challenges within a clear national project, one that fosters deeply rooted notions of identity and this context, the decision to ban the Muslim Brotherhood and prohibit its activities marks a turning point in the relationship between the state and the organization. While this relationship has been tense over many years and reached critical peaks at various times, the recent move represents a qualitatively different approach — even compared to the turbulent days of the so-called 'Arab Spring,' when the Brotherhood's political ambitions time, Jordan's decision goes beyond the security dimension, despite the obvious security motivations. The Brotherhood's future is now uncertain — whether in terms of mobility, economic and social networks, or even its traditional political the real challenge lies not in the decision itself, but in what follows. Jordan's approach to the Brotherhood must not remain confined to security. What is needed is a comprehensive national strategy that reshapes the intellectual and cultural landscape, addresses the roots of extremism and strengthens the values of enlightenment, belonging, and other words, Jordan needs a long-term national renaissance project — one that offers intellectual and moral alternatives and restores the role of culture, education, and public discourse, all within a redefinition of national identity, not merely tighter security Jordan faces a rare opportunity to create a meaningful and influential regional role, while also reorganizing its internal front on firmer, more sustainable foundations. This demands vision, will, and swift action that goes beyond mere 'responses to pressure' toward a mindset of 'proactive initiative.'
Jordan Times
27-04-2025
- Politics
- Jordan Times
Crafting Jordan's role in a transforming regional landscape
Ahead of US President Donald Trump's anticipated visit to Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar, efforts are intensifying to prepare the ground for the 'regional peace' agenda he seeks to make the central theme of his upcoming trip. In this context, there is growing talk of a Saudi desire to arrange a meeting in Riyadh between Syrian President Ahmad al-Shara' and the American President. Regardless of the likelihood of such a meeting materialising, developments on the Syrian front suggest tactical and pragmatic steps within a broader repositioning strategy pursued by the new Syrian regime, aiming to open a path for reintegration with the West. The messages Al Shara' is sending go beyond internal processes. They align with a strategy of seeking US acceptance by dissociating Syrian territory from the Israel conflict equation, barring Palestinian factions from operating on Syrian soil and expressing the regime's interest in joining the Abraham Accords — all in line with Washington's ambition to redraw the map of 'regional peace.' Against this unprecedented and shifting regional backdrop, the urgency of redefining Jordan's role becomes even more pressing. Jordan's ability to craft a new, balanced and proactive regional role is among the most vital factors for safeguarding its stability and securing its national interests. It also elevates its standing in the eyes of its allies, particularly the United States. Jordan's security cooperation remains a pillar of strength and can be leveraged to expand its political influence. However, this must be coupled with a flexible and open foreign policy rooted in the principle of 'the power of diplomacy,' rather than security considerations alone. Looking ahead, Jordan must embrace a deeper role, not reactive, but initiative-driven, positioning itself as a regional mediator in the most sensitive and complex regional issues, including Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon. These are intricately tied to Jordan's strategic depth, whether in terms of security, geopolitical and social extensions, or even water and economic security. Here, Jordanian diplomacy is called upon to actively shape solutions and regional understandings, not merely observe or play symbolic mediator. Yet, this external role cannot be effective unless built upon strong internal foundations. Hence the importance of addressing domestic challenges within a clear national project, one that fosters deeply rooted notions of identity and belonging. In this context, the decision to ban the Muslim Brotherhood and prohibit its activities marks a turning point in the relationship between the state and the organization. While this relationship has been tense over many years and reached critical peaks at various times, the recent move represents a qualitatively different approach — even compared to the turbulent days of the so-called 'Arab Spring,' when the Brotherhood's political ambitions surged. This time, Jordan's decision goes beyond the security dimension, despite the obvious security motivations. The Brotherhood's future is now uncertain — whether in terms of mobility, economic and social networks, or even its traditional political activities. However, the real challenge lies not in the decision itself, but in what follows. Jordan's approach to the Brotherhood must not remain confined to security. What is needed is a comprehensive national strategy that reshapes the intellectual and cultural landscape, addresses the roots of extremism and strengthens the values of enlightenment, belonging, and citizenship. In other words, Jordan needs a long-term national renaissance project — one that offers intellectual and moral alternatives and restores the role of culture, education, and public discourse, all within a redefinition of national identity, not merely tighter security control. Today, Jordan faces a rare opportunity to create a meaningful and influential regional role, while also reorganizing its internal front on firmer, more sustainable foundations. This demands vision, will, and swift action that goes beyond mere 'responses to pressure' toward a mindset of 'proactive initiative.'
