Latest news with #Ahmadiyyas
News18
5 days ago
- Politics
- News18
Eid Ban, Rs 5 Lakh Fine: Why Are Ahmadiyya Muslims Barred From Worship In Pakistan?
Last Updated: As Pakistan prepares for Eid-ul-Adha, the Ahmadiyya Muslim community faces a crackdown in Punjab and Sindh, with threats of fines and imprisonment for celebrating the festival As Pakistan prepares to celebrate Eid-ul-Adha on Saturday, June 7, with public gatherings, prayers, and festivities, a troubling crackdown is unfolding quietly across parts of Punjab and Sindh provinces. The Ahmadiyya Muslim community, numbering nearly 20 lakh in the country, is being systematically barred from observing the religious holiday under threats of fines, police harassment, and imprisonment. Despite being followers of Islam, Ahmadiyyas are prohibited by law from identifying as Muslims or practicing Islamic rituals in Pakistan. In the lead-up to this year's Eid, authorities have reportedly intensified pressure on the community, forcing members to sign affidavits swearing they will not celebrate the festival. In a disturbing development, local officials have warned that any Ahmadiyya individual found offering Eid prayers or performing traditional sacrifices could face a hefty penalty – a fine of up to Rs 5 lakh (approx. USD 1,800). In some areas, even private observance of religious rituals inside one's home has been outlawed. According to local media, several Ahmadis in Punjab and Sindh have already been detained for allegedly attempting to mark Eid in defiance of this de facto ban. Human rights watchdog Amnesty International, in its June 2024 report, stated that at least 36 members of the Ahmadiyya community were arbitrarily arrested in the province of Punjab to pre-empt any form of Eid celebration. Under current Pakistani law, any Ahmadi who 'poses" as a Muslim, by calling their place of worship a mosque, reciting Islamic prayers, or using traditional Islamic greetings, risks up to three years in prison. Human rights groups have repeatedly condemned these laws as deeply discriminatory and in violation of international norms on freedom of religion. Who Are The Ahmadiyyas? The Ahmadiyya Muslim community was founded in 1889 in Qadian, a town in British India's Punjab province, by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, who declared himself the promised messiah and a reformer of Islam. Advocating peace, tolerance, and non-violence, the Ahmadiyya movement positioned itself as a counter to religious extremism. But this very stance made it a target for hardline clerics and political forces in Pakistan. Today, despite their peaceful teachings and contributions to society, the Ahmadiyyas remain among the most persecuted religious minorities in Pakistan. Their mosques have been attacked, graves desecrated, and community members subjected to mob violence, hate speech, and institutional discrimination. Get breaking news, in-depth analysis, and expert perspectives on everything from geopolitics to diplomacy and global trends. Stay informed with the latest world news only on News18. Download the News18 App to stay updated! First Published:
Indian Express
10-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Conflict with India cannot paper over the deep divisions in the Pakistani army
The Pakistani military has never been a united, disciplined, or monolithic institution. Its ranks seethe with ruthless ambition, extra-constitutional aspirations, and divisions. The first fissures surfaced as long ago as 1951, with the Rawalpindi Conspiracy, a coup planned by the then Pakistani Chief of Staff, Major General Akbar Khan. The handling of the Kashmir issue by the Liaquat Ali Khan dispensation had triggered the attempt to usurp power. Seven years later, in 1958, the Pakistani military under General Ayub Khan would seize power from the Iskandar Ali Mirza presidency. Since then, the military has been omnipresent in power, either formally (1958-1971, 1977-1988, 1999-2008) or informally, wielding the real power from the garrison township of Rawalpindi. But whether it has been in power or not, there have always been deep social tensions within the Pakistani barracks. General Yahya Khan was the last Shia chief of the army. There is discrimination against the Ahmadiyyas (Major General Iftikhar Khan Janjua, the senior-most officer to be killed in action, is diminished in official history owing to his Ahmadiyya faith). There has been Punjabi-Pathan domination in the military. There are also ideological and political fissures: Imran Khan loyalist and former DG-ISI Faiz Hameed was sacked by the decidedly anti-Imran Khan General Qamar Javed Bajwa. These divisions have led to frequent institutional purges and 'cleanups', ensuring that those who are not ideologically aligned with the powers of the day are booted out. Amidst these fractures, India serves as the binding factor, offering the rationale for the existence of the disparate institutions of the Pakistani military. Casting India as the 'enemy' is critical to its legitimacy in the national narrative. The lingering humiliation of 1971, under the watch of the inept, power-drunk and undisciplined Pakistani military, has led to internalised hate against India. General Pervez Musharraf noted the unforgivable hurt in his memoir, In the Line of Fire: 'It remains the saddest and most painful day of my life. My anger at the generals who had taken charge of the government and at some of the politicians of the time still makes me see red.' He added, 'What happened in East Pakistan is the saddest episode in Pakistan's history.' Musharraf's views point to the unhealed wounds within the military ranks and a sense of vengeance. Musharraf was, sadly, to continue the legacy of machinations and overambition as he planned the Kargil incursion in 1999 and met with the same fate as those who preceded him. The proverbial 'state within a state' (as the Pakistani military, with its outsized role, is described) is prone to internal disagreements on the handling of sensitive issues like relationships with the US and India, dealing with the Taliban, preferences regarding the political party in power, and even about succession plans that are based on fundamentally non-professional criteria. The passing of the baton from General Bajwa to the current chief, General Asim Munir, was not a foregone conclusion. His selection had more to do with the prevailing circumstances, including his personal beef with General Bajwa's nemesis, Imran Khan. In terms of their personalities and backgrounds, the two chiefs are very different. While Bajwa is relatively westernised and moderate, Munir is an austere, non-westernised and madrasa-educated hafiz (trained to recite the Quran from memory). The latter's recent unwarranted comments on the Two Nation Theory and his assertion that Kashmir is Pakistan's 'jugular vein', along with his reiteration of Pakistan's regressive stance on religion, show that he follows the General Zia-ul-Haq school of military leadership. The current escalation bears the unmistakable imprint of Munir. Yet, the action may not have the full support of the Pakistani military top brass. While hatred of India may be universal in the Pakistani barracks, not everyone is likely to be aligned with the present approach. In some ways, the shaky nature of power also forces the ruler (in this case, General Munir) to act in a more 'muscular' way in order to endear himself to a larger constituency, even as by doing so he runs the risk of biting off more than he can realistically chew. Has the recent escalation boxed General Munir into a position of limited choices? Most likely, yes. There is enough to blame on the military, given the disastrous handling of its protégé, the Taliban, in Afghanistan; the loss of lives in terror attacks in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa; profligacy in times of economic stress; and the misadventure in Pulwama. Like Yahya in 1971 and Musharraf in 1999, General Asim Munir faces as much threat from within for sullying his legacy as he does from India. The current tensions have also curtailed General Munir's ability to persist with the traditional playbook of attempting to 'bleed India to death with a thousand cuts' — any more Pulwama-like terror attacks attributed to this playbook will be indefensible for a nation surviving on international dole. History is instructive: If senior military generals like Yahya Khan, Tikka Khan, A A K Niazi, Zia-ul-Haq, and even Pervez Musharraf can be sacrificed at the altar of exigency, Asim Munir might well be next. As his gambit is sure to fail, Pakistan will need someone to blame. The writer is a retired lieutenant-general and a former lieutenant-governor of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Puducherry
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
01-05-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Human rights report on Pakistan exposes its follies in handling PoK, Balochistan issues
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan released its annual report, highlighting the deplorable state of law and order in the country. From rising militancy to declining democracy, here are the follies the report delves into read more Pakistani volunteers collect debris from an Ahmadi mosque demolished by an angry mob, in the eastern city of Sialkot. Source: File Image / AP The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) released its annual report on Thursday, raising concerns about the democratic backsliding and declining law and order in Pakistan. Right from the February 8, 2024, general elections, the body listed the human rights abuses different sections of society witnessed last year. In the report, HRCP noted how the polls were compromised and how the government that took office subsequently, ceded space to undemocratic forces in the form of several hurriedly passed and flawed laws. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD While addressing, the gathering at the launch event, HCRP chairperson Asad Iqbal Butt raised concerns about what he called the 'state-sanctioned violence' in 2024. He mentioned that there have been at least 379 officially reported new cases of enforced disappearance, two extrajudicial killings of persons suspected of blasphemy and 4,864 staged police encounters in Sindh and Punjab alone, Dawn reported. Adding to Butt's point, former HRCP chairperson Hina Jilani maintained that enforced disappearances were not justified in any circumstances, 'including war or insurgency', adding 'No cause can justify violence or acts of terrorism. The human rights community insists that all acts of violence be dealt with by the law,' she said. The report also called out the continued ban on social media platform X and atrocities committed against minority groups. Here are some of the key issues the HCRP report tackles. Abuse in PoK & plight of Ahmadiyyas ### Conditions in PoK Highlighting the worsening human rights conditions in the country, the HCRP report drew attention to the political repression in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). The report recalled the mass protests that erupted in the region in 2024 due to rising flour prices and rising electricity tariffs. In May, the protestors staged a long March. However, the government responded to these demonstrations by conducting mass arrests and violence against the activists. 'At least four individuals, including a police officer, reportedly lost their lives during clashes between protesters and security forces,' the report mentioned. The body called out the government for struggling to maintain 'law and order' in the region. HCRP mentioned the jailbreak at Central Jail Poonch (PoJK), which resulted in the escape of 19 prisoners, facilitated by a smuggled pistol. The report called out the enforced disappearances of civilians in the region and specifically mentioned the unlawful abduction of Kashmiri journalist Ahmad Farhad (from Islamabad) and Neelum Valley resident Mudassar Khan, which drew significant media attention last year. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD ### Plight of Ahmadiyyas HCRP mentioned that throughout 2024, the Ahmadiyya community in Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK) and other parts of the country faced several targeted attacks and all sorts of atrocities. The community was desecrating sites of worship and violent assaults on worshippers. It is pertinent to note that the Ahmadi sect believed that the Messiah Ghulam Ahmad lived after Islam's prophet Muhammad and insisted that they were part of Islam. However, they were declared as non-Muslims in Pakistan in 1974 by former Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Since then, the community has faced all sorts of persecution because of its faith. Concerns over growing militancy In the report, the HCRP maintained that the February 2024 General Elections were compromised by allegations of electoral manipulation. It recalled how the fate of former Pakistan PM Imran Khan's Pakistan Thereek-e-Insaf was left undecided. The report also condemned the government's law marking in 2024 and measures its overall impact on freedom of expression in the country. HRCP co-chair Munizae Jahangir noted at the launch event that with 2.4 million cases pending nationwide, Pakistan's judicial system remained heavily burdened during the year. The report also mentioned that Pakistani jails are overcrowded at a rate of almost 228 per cent. Last year, Amnesty International also highlighted some of the issues that are mentioned in the HRCP report, observing that human rights abuses remained 'rampant' in Pakistan. 'Human rights have declined alarmingly, leading to widespread mental distress among the population due to inflation, joblessness, and blatant violations of the law," Butt said at the launch event. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD He mentioned the poor state of law and order, with 1,166 terrorist attacks in 2024, resulting in 2,546 fatalities — a 66 per cent increase in fatalities compared to 2023. 'The state has failed' in its duty to protect its citizens, Butt asserted, citing the 'Kurram battlefield' where 250 people were killed and a November incident that claimed 52 lives. Decline in Democratic principles The HRCP report also raised serious concerns about the shrinking space for freedom of speech and expression. The body mentioned restrictions on internet connectivity, including the social media platform X. HRCP argued that journalists became increasingly vulnerable, with 162 incidents of attacks and six journalists killed by unknown individuals in 2024. The body reminded the Pakistani government of its obligation towards the country's constitution and the need to ensure freedom of expression and faith. The 'misuse of religious material for blackmail and subsequent arrests by the Federal Investigation Agency,' often stemming from WhatsApp activity, was highlighted as a worrying trend. Citing incidents in Swat, Sargodha, Umerkot and Quetta, the report condemned the rising cases of mob lynchings across the country. The plight of Balochistan The report also acknowledged the treatment of growing movements in Balochistan and Sindh, such as the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC). 'Most residents of Balochistan remained increasingly disillusioned with the state throughout the year, concerned that their grievances—concerning continued enforced disappearances and control of the province's natural resources—were being ignored with little political resolve on the government's part to address these,' the report reads. The report condemned the violation of the right to assembly in the region and mentioned how journalists were killed in Khuzdar and Mastung, including the president of the Khuzdar Press Club, who was gunned down on World Press Freedom Day. HRCP also noted how the region is struggling with the rise in polio cases. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD While speaking to Firstpost, prominent Baloch activist and central committee leader of the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), Dr Sabiha Baloch mentioned the atrocities the civilians of the region often face. 'The people of Balochistan are deprived of even the most basic human rights. Every fundamental right is denied, from the right to life to freedom of speech. Despite being a mineral-rich region, over 80 per cent of the population lives in extreme poverty. The literacy rate remains one of the lowest in the country due to widespread poverty and a severe lack of access to schools and higher education,' Dr Baloch told Firstpost, last month. 'Balochistan has been transformed into a military zone. Certain areas have turned into complete no-go zones or restricted areas for civilians. In cities such as Mashkay and Awaran, even locals can only enter by presenting their national identity cards. Military checkpoints are scattered along the roads, where Baloch citizens are interrogated daily by non-local army personnel.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The list of human rights violations committed by the Pakistani army in Balochistan is extensive — far too numerous to cover in a single statement. In summary, in Balochistan, fundamental human rights are nonexistent," she concluded. Overall, it becomes important to see that while Pakistan flexes its muscles amid a diplomatic row with India, the country is struggling to maintain law and order within its territory.
Time of India
27-04-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Relief for Pakistani Ahmadiya brides in Punjab
GURDASPUR: Pakistani Ahmadiyya brides living in their matrimonial homes in Punjab's Qadian town have breathed a sigh of relief after Union home ministry clarified that visa cancellations in the Pahalgam aftermath would not apply to long-term visas (LTVs). "No new visa will be issued, except for diplomatic, official, and LTV categories, which remain valid," says the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) memorandum issued on Friday. The clarification came after a wave of anxiety swept through Qadian, international headquarters of Ahmadiyyas in Gurdaspur district , where more than a dozen Pakistani-origin brides reside. "These women were in complete shock," said Chaudhary Maqbool Ahmad, a social activist and Qadian resident who is also married to a Pakistani woman. "For days, they feared they would be expelled, even though their families, lives, and futures are here."
