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Golden Jubilee: PUK's 50-year legacy faces a test of relevance
Shafaq News/ The 50th anniversary of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), once a defining moment in the Kurdish national movement, arrived this week not with a triumphant celebration, but with quiet introspection and visible fractures.
The golden jubilee, marked in al-Sulaymaniyah under the leadership of Bafel Talabani, son of the party's iconic founder Jalal Talabani, underscored both generational transition and growing uncertainty.
Rather than a grand spectacle evoking past struggles and victories, the anniversary gathering took a more subdued form. Founding slogans were absent. Veteran leaders, long symbolic of the party's revolutionary legacy, were not present. And what remained was a younger leadership grappling with internal divisions, shifting alliances, and the formidable challenge of political relevance in a rapidly evolving Kurdistan Region.
From Unity to Fragmentation
Since its founding in 1975, the PUK has played a central role in shaping Kurdish and Iraqi politics, particularly after 2003. But that influence has waned since the death of Jalal Talabani in 2017. The transition to Bafel Talabani's leadership has been accompanied by sweeping changes in the party's internal structure—some described by allies as necessary modernization, and others by critics as centralization and exclusion.
Prominent figures like Lahur Sheikh Jangi, once co-chair with Bafel, have been ousted amid internal disputes. Other influential veterans such as Mala Bakhtiyar, Mahmoud Sangawi, and Barham Salih have seen their roles curtailed. For many observers, this signals a fundamental shift in how the PUK defines leadership and legitimacy.
Karzan Murad, an academic speaking to Shafaq News, argued that these developments reveal a deeper structural change. 'The party was once a collective leadership with strong personalities balancing each other out. Now, decision-making appears increasingly centered around a narrow circle.'
Murad also noted that Bafel's recent visit to the US failed to secure meetings with senior officials—unlike his political rival PM Masrour Barzani of the KDP, who was received at the highest levels. "That contrast is telling," he added.
PUK's traditionally close ties with Iran have also weakened. While Tehran once prioritized relations with Al-Sulaymaniyah-based leaders, it now engages more directly with the KDP, as seen in Nechirvan Barzani's prominent receptions in the Iranian capital, Murad said.
Generational Change or Institutional Drift?
Not everyone views the changes as negative. Delshad Namq, a political commentator, believes what the PUK is undergoing is an inevitable generational handover. 'No political party can be frozen in time,' he said. 'At some point, legacy has to make room for evolution.'
But others, like longtime party member Hasan Rawi, warn that the current approach risks alienating both the base and international partners. 'Excluding historical figures removes a key source of institutional memory. International actors now view the party as adrift,' Rawi noted, citing a perceived lack of strategic vision and clarity.
Researcher Badr Ismail Sherwaki echoed that concern, highlighting what he described as a growing disconnect between the party leadership and its traditional support base. 'Kurdish politics is personal. It's about loyalty to individuals, not just institutions. Without charismatic figures who command trust, it's unclear what fills the vacuum,' he said.
Eroding Ground in Al-Sulaymaniyah
Nowhere is the impact of these internal struggles more visible than in the party's heartland: Al-Sulaymaniyah. Once a stronghold, the city is increasingly fragmented. Lahur Sheikh Jangi has launched a new political movement—Berey Gel (People's Front)—which is gaining traction, especially among younger voters disillusioned with both the PUK's recent performance and its leadership disputes. This is reminiscent of the rise of the Gorran (Change) Movement in the early 2000s, which also tapped into frustration over stagnation and exclusion.
Meanwhile, the PUK has lost political initiative in key regional matters. The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) now leads most negotiations with Baghdad and has a firmer grip on sensitive files like energy and budget policy. With Kurdistan's political weight shifting westward to Erbil, the PUK risks becoming a reactive rather than proactive actor.
The Leadership's Defense
Bafel Talabani and his team argue that the changes should be seen as a necessary transformation rather than a betrayal of legacy. Senior PUK official Burhan Sheikh Rauf told Shafaq News that veteran voices are still respected and consulted through the party's High Council of Interests and that the reorganization is aimed at future-proofing the party.
At a rally in al-Sulaymaniyah Stadium, Bafel Talabani struck a conciliatory tone. While honoring the party's history through visual tributes to figures like Jalal Talabani, his speech emphasized present-day challenges and the need for pragmatism.
He reiterated that the PUK is still respected in Baghdad and remains a balancing force in Kurdistan's delicate political ecosystem, pointing to the party's continued support for regional Kurdish rights and its role in peace efforts with Ankara.
Yet, some analysts believe this rhetorical balancing act may not be enough. Without delivering on core issues—public sector salaries, governance reforms, and tangible influence in Baghdad—the PUK's claim to relevance may ring hollow.
Between Legacy and Uncertainty
Established with a leftist identity that fused Kurdish nationalism with socialism, the PUK now finds itself navigating a complex terrain. Rather than a moment of glory, the 50th anniversary became a mirror held up to the party itself. It reflected nostalgia, fractures, and above all, a test: Can the PUK reinvent itself without losing its soul? Or will it become yet another legacy movement weighed down by the very history it once proudly authored?
