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Morocco World
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
The Forgotten Military Legacy Behind Bab El Makina in Fez
Rabat – Bab El Makina is just a striking stone structure to most passersby. But beneath the weathered arch lies a story that's been largely overlooked: a bold chapter in Morocco's military modernization under Sultan Hassan I, and a powerful reminder that the North African country once dared to stand shoulder to shoulder with Europe's great powers. To understand Bab El Makina, you have to look beyond the façade. Built in 1886, this Italian-designed structure was no mere gate, it was the entry point to a military factory and academy. The word 'Makina,' borrowed from the Italian 'macchina,' wasn't a poetic flourish; it marked the site of Morocco's first major attempt at industrializing its defense system. Sultan Hassan I ordered its construction with a clear purpose: to drag a declining military machine into the modern era, one rifle at a time. By the late 19th century, Morocco's military had lost its former glory. The victorious days of the Almoravids, Almohads, and Merinids were ancient history. Even the triumph of the 1578 Battle of the Three Kings, where Morocco stood tall against the Portuguese, had become a distant memory. More recent history was less kind: the humiliating defeat against France in the Battle of Isly (1844) and another blow from Spain during the Tetouan War (1859–60). These weren't just military losses, they were existential alarms. Hassan I inherited a Morocco still smarting from these defeats. His predecessors had tried to modernize but were often undermined by foreign meddling, religious conservatives, and sheer logistical nightmares. His father and grandfather had opened the door to European military instructors, imported outdated rifles, and tried (with mixed results) to assemble a standing army. The Moroccan navy had already been dismantled in 1817. The country's technological edge was slipping, and fast. Determined not to follow in the footsteps of Egypt or Tunisia, both of which had succumbed to European financial control, Hassan I moved decisively. He invited Italian engineers and officers to Morocco, and in 1885, struck a deal to create an arms factory in Fez. The location? A large tract of land west of the royal palace, close to the flowing waters of Oued Fes, which would power the machinery. Under the supervision of Colonel Giorgio Broccoli and three Italian engineers, construction began. The result was a sprawling military complex equipped with metal forges, carpentry workshops, and imported tools, some from Venice itself. Production began around 1889, but the factory wasn't fully operational until 1891. The facility could produce up to five rifles a day, modest by European standards, but revolutionary for a country like Morocco. But not everyone was cheering. This project faced internal sabotage from elites who profited off arms imports. Traders, smugglers, and brokers who had long held Morocco hostage to foreign supply chains didn't want to see a self-sufficient army. They rallied conservative clerics to denounce the factory as a dangerous innovation, even heretical. Students returning from Europe with new ideas about science and military reform were painted as threats to tradition. Despite the resistance, Hassan I pushed forward. He sent military students to Belgium, France, Italy, Germany, and even Spain to study modern tactics. He brought in foreign officers to train Moroccan troops, dressed them in European-style uniforms, and experimented with standardized drills. The goal wasn't just to dress like a modern army, but to act and fight like one. What set Hassan I apart was not just ambition, but foresight. He knew Morocco couldn't remain a sovereign state if it didn't adapt. At the 1880 Madrid Conference, he managed to win international recognition for Morocco's independence, a diplomatic victory that rested heavily on the credibility of his modernization program. Still, the dream was short-lived. By 1912, when the French Protectorate was imposed, the factory was shut down, and the Moroccan army dissolved. The building was repurposed for rug production. Today, almost nothing remains of the original military infrastructure, except for Bab El Makina itself. It stands there quietly, often overlooked by tourists snapping photos or attending music festivals in the nearby square. But for those who know its past, Bab El Makina is more than a gate. It's a monument to a moment when Morocco tried boldly, imperfectly, and under immense pressure to chart its own future. A century and a half later, it still whispers the story of a nation that once looked East and West and chose to build. Tags: Bab El MakinaFezThe history of military


CairoScene
23-05-2025
- CairoScene
This Design Hotel in Palma Was Once a 12th-Century Islamic Palace
This Design Hotel in Palma Was Once a 12th-Century Islamic Palace An orange dusk falls across two narrow courtyards framed by stone arches and worn brick. Shallow alcoves channel light onto a low rectangular pool once used for ablutions. On Carrer de les Caputxines, a 12th-century Islamic palace has become Nobis Hotel Palma, and its history reveals itself at every threshold. This was once an almudaina, a fortified urban palace from Mallorca's Islamic period, when the island was part of al-Andalus, ruled by the Almoravids and later the Almohads. Architecture here echoed North African traditions—introspective, water-centered, shaped by geometry and calm. The palace's layout survives: two matching patios ringed by arcades. Vaulted ceilings span the galleries. In the reception hall, a wooden alfarje ceiling carries simple geometric carvings and inscriptions in Naskh script. Today, these details hint at a past that endured fire and earthquake without embellishment. After 1229, Christian forces repurposed the palace as a fortress. At the close of the 13th century, King Alfonso III ordered much of it razed; for a century, only ruins remained. Noble families later converted the site to residences, first adding pointed arches and slender windows in a Gothic phase, then introducing carved plaster details in the 17th-century Baroque style. The latest transformation unfolded under Jordi Herrero Arquitectos and Eduardo García Acuña, working with Sweden's Wingårdhs team—Gert Wingårdh and Helena Toresson. They chose restraint over spectacle. Exposed stone columns were stabilized, brick vaults uncovered, and the ancient fountain repurposed as a still dipping pool. Into this backdrop arrived oak furnishings with clean lines, leather chairs, wool throws in muted shades, and a handful of contemporary art pieces—iron abstractions and blown-glass forms that seem to crop up from the stone itself. Thirty-seven rooms occupy the palace's irregular shape. Some lie beneath original beams; others occupy former servant quarters where light reached only through grilles. Limestone walls serve as pale canvases for beds dressed in crisp linens. Handcrafted pillows and deep-set windows redirect morning sun toward distant cathedral spires. Bathrooms open onto tiny terraces—enough space for a single chair and a morning pause. Two suites perch atop the tiled roofs. Private terraces frame La Seu's soaring silhouette, its Gothic ribs calling attention to dawn's first light. Inside, low sofas and soft carpets reinforce the sense of calm. After dark, floodlights outline the cathedral's form while tiles below glow faintly. On the ground floor, a former grand hall now functions as a bar. Nine-meter ceilings tower over stone walls, still etched by time. A fragment of 15th-century fresco—red ochre barely visible—occupies one corner. Cocktails reference local flavors: citrus from nearby orchards, herbs gathered on Tramuntana slopes. Drinks arrive in simple glassware, accompanied by quiet conversation and the gentle rattle of ice. NOI restaurant occupies another vaulted room. Tables cluster around slender columns; linen napkins fold at each setting. Chef Xema Álvarez prepares dishes that reflect Mallorca's fields and coasts—grilled vegetables tossed with wild herbs, fish paired with almond purée, cheeses drizzled with island-pressed honey. A small window offers glimpses of a kitchen where copper pots hang in neat rows and chefs move with deliberate purpose. Below one courtyard, a spa occupies a former escape tunnel. Low brick vaults and narrow passages corral steam among stone benches. Treatment rooms press against the walls, each lit by a single recessed light. A shallow indoor pool follows the tunnel's curve. Heat and humidity combine in a hush that contrasts with the city's bustle above. Next door, a 14th-century church occupies a narrow lot, its facade partly veiled by a wrought-iron gate. Streets radiate outward from the cathedral plaza—cafés with wicker seats spilling onto sidewalks, shops where artisans carve olive wood into spoons and small figures. In this quarter, layers of history sit side by side: Roman columns repurposed in Baroque doorways, Arabic inscriptions tucked above Gothic arches. In the calm of Nobis Hotel Palma, these echoes find new resonance—not in grandeur, but in stillness. History lingers here not as spectacle, but as shadow and texture, folded quietly into every surface.


Saba Yemen
28-03-2025
- General
- Saba Yemen
Sana'a: Bani al-Harith tribes send Eid convoy to frontline fighters
Sana'a - Saba: In anticipation of Eid al-Fitr and coinciding with International al-Quds Day, families of martyrs and tribal leaders from Bani al-Harith in the capital Sana'a sent an Eid convoy to frontline fighters. The convoy, intended to support the "Almoravids" (those stationed on the frontlines), included Eid cakes, nuts, sweets, food, clothing, and a motorcycle. Director of Bani al-Harith district Hamad bin Rakan and local water institution director Mohammed Madaes stated that the convoy demonstrates support for those fighting on the frontlines, as part of the "promised battle of conquest and holy jihad." They emphasized that the convoy reflects the Yemeni people's resilience and support for the Palestinian people and their resistance in the face of "aggression." Secretary-General of Bani al-Harith district Mohamed Nasser, along with families of martyrs and tribal sheikhs, highlighted the ongoing flow of convoys to support the frontline fighters, who they say have achieved "heroic epics and victories." Whatsapp Telegram Email Print
![Algerian YouTuber Rachid Nekkaz claims Morocco's Koutoubia [Opinion]](/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fstatic.yabiladi.com%2Ffiles%2Farticles%2Fchatgpt-c64916173217c1e7b127f6cd50ff0f6020250318093854.jpeg&w=3840&q=100)
![Algerian YouTuber Rachid Nekkaz claims Morocco's Koutoubia [Opinion]](/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fstatic-mobile-files.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com%2Fyabiladi.png&w=48&q=75)
Ya Biladi
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Ya Biladi
Algerian YouTuber Rachid Nekkaz claims Morocco's Koutoubia [Opinion]
Rachid Nekkaz has made a name for himself through dramatic gestures and attention-grabbing provocations. A businessman without a business, a politician without voters, and a prisoner without martyrdom, he has stirred the media in both France and Algeria. His latest stunt? A bid to rewrite history. From Marrakech, he recently offered Algerian nationalists a provocative claim: the Koutoubia Mosque, he argues, was supposedly built by an «Algerian sultan». Nekkaz 's argument is based on a simplistic logic: Abdelmoumen, the founder of the Almohad empire and builder of the Koutoubia, was born in Nedroma, a city now part of Algeria. Therefore, according to Nekkaz, the famous mosque in Marrakech is «Algerian». This reasoning ignores the fact that, in the 12th century, neither Algeria nor Morocco existed as nation-states. It also disregards the Almohads' history, a dynasty that, like the Almoravids before them, centered their capitals and power in what is now Morocco. By Nekkaz's logic, Arabs from the Middle East could just as easily lay claim to the Kingdom of Fez, founded by Idris I, an exile from Madinah. History doesn't divide itself by modern borders, but such simplifications appeal to nationalists hungry for pride, and Nekkaz knows exactly how to exploit this. Political Opportunism Full of Contradictions Like a true showman, Nekkaz adapts his rhetoric to suit his current agenda. On one hand, he rejects the colonial borders in advocating for a united Maghreb, free from divisions. On the other, he uses those very borders to symbolically annex parts of Moroccan heritage. Yet, his outrage is strangely absent when it comes to the partition of Morocco by France, which saw the regions of Touat, Tindouf, and Béchar transferred to Algeria. Nekkaz's more nationalist ambitions shine through when he proposes «Algerian-Moroccan co-sovereignty » over Western Sahara—an idea that seemingly came out of nowhere, directly contradicting Algeria's official stance of non-involvement in the dispute. By suggesting that Algeria co-manage a territory it has never governed or even claimed, Nekkaz is doing what he does best: stirring up chaos and watching the fallout. At the heart of Nekkaz's pseudo-historical conference lies no real political debate—just another media stunt, more akin to a YouTuber's viral video than a serious political discussion. His video was widely shared by Algerian nationalist accounts, presented as a «symbolic victory» over Morocco. The formula is familiar: a blend of historical revisionism, exaggerated nationalism, and basic anti-Moroccan sentiment, all presented by a figure who thrives on ambiguity. But the ploy is transparent. Beneath his rhetoric of Maghreb unity and peace, Nekkaz is actively deepening the divide between the two countries. He doesn't build bridges; he digs trenches. He doesn't bring people together; he divides them by serving up a version of history tailored to flatter Algerian pride. Rather than promoting «khawa khawa» (we are brothers), Rachid Nekkaz has become the embodiment of «khwa l khawi» (the empty void).


Saba Yemen
16-03-2025
- Politics
- Saba Yemen
"Hamas" Calls for Continued Presence at Al-Aqsa During Ramadan
Occupied Al-Quds - Saba: Hamas called for the continuation of the presence at Al-Aqsa Mosque for the remainder of Ramadan, despite Israeli restrictions preventing i'tikaf there. Leader Majid Abu Qutaish stressed that the occupation measures will not prevent worshipers from reaching Al-Aqsa, stressing the importance of the large crowd as a message of defiance and steadfastness. He pointed out that the Almoravids are the fortified shield of the mosque in the face of Judaization schemes, considering that the month of Ramadan is an opportunity to strengthen the presence in Al-Aqsa. Despite the Israeli restrictions, tens of thousands of Palestinians performed evening and Taraweeh prayers at Al-Aqsa, where the number reached 130,000 on the second Friday of Ramadan, in the largest gathering since the beginning of the blessed month. Whatsapp Telegram Email Print more of (International)