Latest news with #AmartyaSen
The Wire
6 hours ago
- Business
- The Wire
A Book Exploring Development Economics Through the Lives of South Asia's Most Consequential Economists
Former Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh (centre) and Amartya Sen (second from left), at an event in New Delhi in December 2008. Photo: Wikimedia Commons Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute Now Economic historians often tread paths heavily mined with complex, sometimes unsettled ideas and ideological conflicts. When they examine the subject's longue duré e since the Second World War – the slow evolution of development economics, its theories, structures, and processes – the journey can be quite treacherous. Tracing the development of economics and growth across post-colonial nation-states, the debates, the underlying ideas and ideologies, and the personalities of the individuals who shaped them is no easy task. It can leave the historian trapped in preference bias. David C. Engerman, the Leitner International Interdisciplinary Professor of History at Yale University, navigates many of these hazards deftly in his new book, Apostles of Development: Six Economists and the World They Made (India Viking, May 2025). The book offers a compelling description of the field of development economics and its progress over the last 75 years in South Asia. Engerman explores the ideas, debates, and conflicts that shaped development economics through the lives of six of South Asia's most consequential economists: Amartya Sen, Manmohan Singh, Mahbub ul Haq, Jagdish Bhagwati, Rehman Sobhan, and Lal Jayawardena. Apostles of Development: Six Economists and the World They Made, written by David C. Engerman, India Viking, May 2025. Photo: His selection is apt. All were born in pre-independence South Asia. Their early intellectual development was rooted in the transatlantic academic ethos of the 1950s and 1960s – Cambridge, Oxford, or MIT. Yet their willingness to shift from theoretical debates – classical, neo-classical, or Keynesian – to the grounded realities of post-colonial South Asia makes them vital figures in the history of economic thought. While exploring his choice of protagonists, Engerman writes in his introduction, 'Taken individually, each of these six made their mark on development thought over many decades – in their home countries, in South Asia writ large, across the Global South, and indeed around the world… All except Sen served in their governments at some point, each in his own way shaping the economic directions of their respective countries… Taken together, the six apostles show how much the Global South shaped the global enterprise of development.' This examination of the lives, thoughts, and impact of Sen, Singh, Haq, Bhagwati, Sobhan, and Jayawardena is not merely biographical; it offers sharp insights into their careers as highly consequential economists. The approach also serves as a useful narrative device, constructing a broad account of key events and debates in economics over the past 70 years, mainly centred on India and South Asia. A book focusing primarily on South Asia In the book's introduction, Engerman suggests that his work is about the development of economic thought in the Global South. But this claim is only partially borne out since the book focuses primarily on South Asia. It offers little discussion about the impact that experiences from other regions might have had on Engerman's six protagonists, and pays virtually no attention to the influence they may have had on development in Latin America or Africa. Engerman does clarify that the book is centred on post-colonialism, and is therefore more about South Asia than the Global South. Still, the evolution of development economics has been shaped as much by Latin America and Africa as by the post-colonial experiences of South Asia. More could have been done to explore the wider intellectual currents that shaped the six protagonists, particularly the influence of thinkers from other regions. During his tenure at UNCTAD from 1966 to 1969, Manmohan Singh worked closely with the Argentinian economist Raúl Prebisch, whose contributions to structuralist economics – including the Prebisch–Singer hypothesis and dependency theory – were foundational. A much fuller exploration of Prebisch's influence on Singh's later thinking and career would have made for compelling reading. Likewise, a more detailed account of the protagonists' engagement with thinkers such as Gunnar Myrdal, W. Arthur Lewis, Walt Rostow, and Paul Rosenstein-Rodan – and the extent to which these figures shaped their ideas – would have added depth to the book. Myrdal's work with Nicholas Kaldor on circular cumulative causation resonated with Sen's thinking. Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, too, offered instructive counterpoints, rooted in their Austrian-British and American traditions, respectively. Nevertheless, the book draws on a rich vein of historical research, making it essential reading for those interested in South Asia's economic and development history. The six protagonists have helped shape not only the contours of development theory, but also the economic trajectories of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka. Sen's work, which earned him the Nobel Prize, has in many ways defined a distinctive strand of development thought in economics. Bhagwati's contributions to trade theory – and his demonstration of how tariffs and government interventions can distort welfare outcomes – remain relevant in today's conflicted, Trumpian times. Singh and Jayawardena have brought about consequential change as practitioners of the art and craft of economics, while Haq and Sobhan have done much to try and influence the economic trajectories of Pakistan and Bangladesh, respectively. The author demonstrates a solid understanding of the foundations of international economic inequality. However, Engerman excels more as a historian than as an analyst adept at exploring the philosophical influences on economists. In retracing the paths of these six figures through the hallowed halls of Cambridge in the 1950s, Engerman introduces brief but illuminating sketches of British economists such as Joan Robinson, Nicholas Kaldor, Richard Kahn, and P. T. Bauer. His portrayal of Robinson – her rejection of orthodox assumptions and her disdain for the mathematical modelling favoured by Americans – is particularly absorbing. His concise description of Bauer's early work in British Malaya, which laid the foundations for his dissenting critiques and the first development economics monograph, is equally compelling. These thinkers contributed significantly to the foundation of the field, as well as to the intellectual formation of Engerman's six protagonists. Engaging depiction of Indian economic thought in the 1960s Engerman's depiction of Indian economic thought in the 1960s, viewed through the eyes of Bhagwati, Sen, and Singh, is especially engaging and significant. His account of the period offers valuable examples of the persistent tussle between politics and economics in the Global South. One episode in India stands out as particularly illustrative of the era's political economy. It captures both the pressures that shaped the decisions of leaders such as Indira Gandhi and the challenges economists faced in steering policy. In 1966, Indira Gandhi made the politically fraught decision to devalue the Indian rupee – a move in which Bhagwati's influence was evident. The prime minister invited him to a confidential discussion. Engerman neatly sums up Bhagwati's dilemmas and his responses to political pressures. 'Yet as he (Bhagwati) recalled, the Prime Minister's interests were purely political, 'for which my economics training had not prepared me,'' Engerman writes, adding that Bhagwati 'soon enough proposed a range of possible efforts to adjust the effective value of the rupee, without necessarily taking the fraught step of formal devaluation.' Engerman's portrayal of Bhagwati as a counterweight to the more structuralist thinking of Sen and K. N. Raj at the Delhi School of Economics underscores the intellectual and contextual complexities of the time. It also highlights the spirited debates that shaped the ideological divide between the two camps and, in turn, influenced the trajectory of the Indian economy. 'The Raj-Sen model's neglect of foreign trade symbolised a broader Indian tendency to omit foreign trade from policy discussions – a phenomenon that entered the Indian economic lexicon, thanks to Singh, as export pessimism,' Engerman notes. He goes on to outline the long-term effects of India's Third Five Year Plan (1961–66), and how the divergence between the Raj-Sen model and the Bhagwati-Singh approach to trade shaped the trajectory of policy. Engerman writes: '… this strategy also produced perennial foreign exchange shortages, and thus the pressing need for foreign aid… Much as Bhagwati had observed, the Third Plan era saw new forms of domestic market regulation, and the emergence of a dynamic in which failures of regulation led to only more layers of regulation.' He notes that the phrase 'license-permit-quota raj' first emerged during this period. The inequality debates influenced economic policy across South Asia. Engerman's discussion of Bhagwati's reasoning – that inequality was not a lasting economic problem, as it would eventually diminish in line with the Kuznets curve – offers an illuminating perspective on why the argument failed to resonate in India, and how the debates were historically framed and perceived in the region. Sen's work in the 1980s, in which he developed his capabilities approach and alternative formulations of development, is engagingly recounted. As Prime Minister of India, Singh pushed through the Food Security Bill in 2013, his flagship anti-poverty programme. Engerman's account of how the Bill became 'just one skirmish in a broader battle that Bhagwati waged against Sen' – a clash over economic ideology – is compelling. Author's skills as a descriptive historian The author's skills as a descriptive historian are evident throughout the book. His portrayal of Sobhan's role in Bangladesh during the critical decade of the 1980s, and his contribution to the development of concepts such as South-South cooperation, raises interesting questions about the gains that might have accrued from true economic cooperation. Engerman's description of what he terms Sen's 'often-abstruse articles' used to introduce questions of social choice and to offer a new approach to the problems of poverty and inequality – is thought-provoking, and provides one of the few genuine glimpses into the personalities of the book's main protagonists. In the end, one might ask whether Engerman's tendency, as a historian, to focus on the minutiae of South Asia's economic development – though illuminating – distracts at times from deeper insights into the theoretical rifts of the period and the evolution of ideas within development economics, many of which remain contested. Might it have been more fruitful to delve further into the protagonists' intellectual doubts, and the global political cross-currents that shaped them? Do the minutiae of events risk overshadowing the broader evolution of ideas? Events undoubtedly shape individuals, but for the 'apostles' of development, their uncertainties, intellectual shifts, contemporary global political contexts, and evolving frameworks of thought are just as critical. Even with such reservations, the book's meticulous research, vivid narration, careful chronology, and focus on six influential thinkers – Amartya Sen, Manmohan Singh, Mahbub ul Haq, Jagdish Bhagwati, Rehman Sobhan, and Lal Jayawardena – make Apostles of Development a valuable addition to the literature on economics, economic history, and the development of ideas. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
India.com
03-06-2025
- General
- India.com
10 Must-Know Facts That Make Kolkata City Unique
Kolkata bears its former name Calcutta as it positions itself as one of the culturally significant areas in India. The metropolis resides along the Hooghly River in West Bengal where it has become an essential part of modern India's development. Kolkata shows a special combination of historical elements with cultural diversity and modern development which extends from its colonial background through to its energetic cultural expression. The following ten noteworthy details provide essential information about Kolkata which stands as 'The City of Joy.' 1. The Cultural Capital of India People consider Kolkata to hold cultural capital status in India because of its deep artistic heritage in literature and art together with its important role in music and filmmaking. The city held Nobel laureates Rabindranath Tagore who received Literature and Amartya Sen who won Economics awards and filmmaker Satyajit Ray whose work found success worldwide. The city of Kolkata displays its everlasting passion for culture by hosting the festive Kolkata Book Fair together with its famous Durga Puja celebrations. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay and his son Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay joined other literary masters to set Kolkata as an intellectual center. 2. A Colonial Legacy Job Charnock initiated Kolkata with the British East India Company during 1690 before it became the official capital of British India from 1690 to 1911. The historic phase brought forward the creation of Victoria Memorial in addition to St. Paul's Cathedral and Writers Building as a reminder of colonial architectural achievements. The engineering masterpiece of Howrah Bridge which finished without any nuts or bolts during 1943 represents a prominent historical monument of Kolkata. These architectural marvels continue to welcome visitors while preserving their historical significance which represents the long journey of Kolkata. 3. The Birthplace of Indian Nationalism During the Indian independence movement Kolkata served as an active force that contributed critically to the Indian battle. In 1885 the first session of Indian National Congress took place at this location under the direction of Allan Octavian Hume. Through the city leaders Subhas Chandra Bose and Netaji rose as pivotal figures who founded mass freedom movements against British rule. Notable parts of the Indian freedom movement were shaped by Kolkata residents Madan Mohan Malaviya who became a Jallianwala Bagh martyr and by revolutionary Khudiram Bose. 4. Home to the Oldest Operating Port in India The Kolkata Port Trust which formed in 1870 maintains operation of one of India's oldest working ports. The eastern Indian coast port connects eastern Indian regions to Bangladesh and Nepal and Bhutan by providing trade access. Throughout its more than 150-year history the port has continued operating actively to support both regional business growth and economic development. 5. Diverse Culinary Heritage Kolkata stands apart because of its exclusive food culture that incorporates flavors from Bengali as well as Mughal and Chinese and British cooking styles. Two standout traditional delicacies of Bengal are rasgulla and phuchka (also known as golgappa), together with mishti doi (yogurt sweetened with sugar). People of Kolkata love fish curries specially cooked with hilsa and other notable Bengali fish varieties. The Anglo-Indian population in Kolkata is active with traditional food choices including mutton chop and baked beans. 6. The Largest Flower Market in Asia The flower market at Nakshi Bazar ranks as Asia's largest such market and operates in the vicinity of the Howrah Bridge. Thousands of vendors appear each dawn to offer fresh floral products which come from local nearby villages. What people crave most about Nakshi Bazar is its selection of marigolds together with roses and orchids and jasmine flowers that serve local residents and ritual needs. The marketplace draws viewers through its vibrant atmosphere while demonstrating the regular activities of Kolkatans. 7. Pioneering Educational Institutions Many historic Indian educational institutions choose Kolkata as their headquarters while their origins stem from the colonial times. Since 1857 the University of Calcutta has operated as the inaugural South Asian institution dedicated to modern university education. Jadavpur University and Presidency University and the Indian Institute of Management Calcutta (IIM-C) jointly rank among the top universities in India and appear repeatedly in national university rankings. These educational institutions have generated numerous scholars together with scientists and leaders who have developed India's academic domain. 8. The Tram Network – A Nostalgic Ride The tram system located in Kolkata remains the only functional network within India thus making it a distinctive component of the urban transportation system. Indian citizens experienced emotions of nostalgia when British Raj established these tram services in 1873 because they offered environmentally-friendly transportation. The number of trams in use has decreased through the years yet initiatives strive to protect them as a part of Kolkata's historical legacy. Traveling by tram through the city lets people enjoy its vintage atmosphere. 9. A Hub for Hand-Pulled Rickshaws The operation of hand-pulled rickshaws exists only in specific regions of Kolkata that center on Esplanade and Sealdah. The human-operated transportation system remains a direct link to a previous period through time. Hand-drawn rickshaws continue to honor Kolkata's character through their continued operation while supplying income to disadvantaged employees. 10. Durga Puja: A UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage During December 2021 UNESCO designated Durga Puja in Kolkata as one of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. During September or October people celebrate five days of festivities to worship the goddess Durga in her triumph over bad forces. Annually millions of people visit structures among the throng of pandals that display beautiful decorations with idols honoring the deity. Durga Puja connects people socially and encourages creative artistry to become a vital organizational value in Kolkata's cultural heritage. Finak Thoughts Kolkata surpasses mere municipal status because it functions as a cultural repository that merges the passage of time with current progress and traditional practices with new ideas. This lively metropolis offers something unique to appeal to everyone including its colonial heritage alongside its celebration events and its intellectual heritage. These ten facts about Kolkata provide a deeper understanding that helps people recognize its worldwide appeal as a city of amazement.
Mint
01-06-2025
- Business
- Mint
Kaushik Basu: Redefine prosperity; GDP tunnel-vision could prove costly
In mainstream economics, description is routinely treated as secondary to analysis. Labelling a work as 'purely descriptive' conveys dismissiveness. Yet, as Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen observed in a seminal 1980 paper, every act of description involves choices. Whether we are describing a historical event, an individual or a country, what we choose to include and what we leave out can be critical. Description shapes perception. And perception, in turn, can profoundly influence behaviour. Describing the state of a country's economy is a complicated task. In the past, scholars wrote lengthy volumes debating whether one country was doing better than another. But over time, globally, a single measure has come to dominate the conversation: gross domestic product, or GDP for short, which represents the value of all goods and services produced within a country in a given year. With some adjustments, it also approximates the population's total income. It is an astonishingly concise metric, often used as shorthand for economic well-being. Also Read: It's time to lay the great Indian GDP controversy to rest As Diane Coyle noted in her 2014 book on the history of GDP, its emergence marked a watershed moment in economic policymaking. Developed by Simon Kuznets in the early 1930s, GDP has brought much-needed rigour to policy debates. Politicians could no longer simply point to tall buildings as evidence of progress (though many still do). Today, assessing a country's economic performance over time means tracking the growth of its GDP. To be sure, there are other ways to assess national well-being, such as the United Nations Human Development Index and the World Bank's shared prosperity indicator. But when it comes to determining whether one economy is outperforming another, GDP (or GDP per capita) remains the default benchmark. While GDP has undoubtedly played a valuable role in modern economics, its limitations are increasingly difficult to ignore. Over time, it has become an end in itself, enabling politicians to use growth figures as a convenient distraction from persistent social and economic fractures. Growing unease with GDP-centric policy thinking was powerfully articulated in UN Secretary-General António Guterres's 2021 report Our Common Agenda, which urged global policymakers to embrace a broader set of progress indicators. Also Read: Statistical dust-up: The great Indian GDP controversy needn't have arisen As an economic indicator, GDP has three key weaknesses. First, by focusing solely on a country's total income, it can create the illusion of widespread prosperity, even when inequality is rising. GDP per capita can rise even as a majority becomes worse off. As Joseph E. Stiglitz put it in his 2010 book Freefall, 'A larger pie does not mean everyone–or even most people–gets a larger slice." But most people may celebrate GDP growth nonetheless—much like they cheer their country's Olympic medal count—without questioning who actually benefits. This concern was highlighted by the Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress, which was established in 2008 by then-French President Nicolas Sarkozy and included Joseph Stiglitz, Amartya Sen and other prominent economists. Its final report called for incorporating measures like income distribution and inequality into GDP. The second weakness of GDP is that its maximization often rewards activities that undermine democratic governance. Being super-rich, after all, involves more than just owning more cars, mansions, planes and yachts. Extreme wealth, especially in the age of social media and AI, also means having a louder voice and disproportionate influence over how people think. In traditional societies, when a feudal lord entered a village council meeting, ordinary people who may have been arguing and pleading for change just moments earlier would fall silent. That same dynamic is now playing out on a global scale. Also Read: The state of India's economy is not as bright as GDP data may suggest As wealth becomes concentrated in fewer hands, and as a handful of online platforms shape what billions of internet users see and hear, many are discovering that they are losing their voice—the most essential instrument of democracy. Clearly, the time has come to develop new measures of national progress that do not strengthen the forces threatening democracy. As US Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis famously warned, 'We can have democracy in this country, or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can't have both." Lastly, GDP can be inflated at the expense of future generations. We can and do boost GDP growth by engaging in activities that damage the environment and accelerate climate change, leaving our descendants with a scorched earth. Given this, merely acknowledging the urgency of climate action is no longer enough. To ensure a sustainable future, we must reform our most prominent measure of economic welfare so that sustainability is central to how we define prosperity. ©2025/Project Syndicate The author is a professor of economics at Cornell University and a former chief economic adviser to the Government of India.
Time of India
24-05-2025
- Time of India
Kolkata chronicles: A day in the cultural capital
Welcome to Kolkata—widely referred to as the 'Cultural Capital of India,' where old trams rattle through colonial streets, scents of freshly fried telebhaja mix with incense wafting from roadside shrines, and the Hooghly River sparkles like an eternal eyewitness to the city's multiple layers. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now This city offers you chaos and charm at the same time through its colonial alleys and pastel-shuttered windows. Here, art isn't confined to galleries, but transcends onto walls, conversations, and even across steaming plates of biryani. Spend a day in the cultural capital, and you'll get to meet poets in paan shops, philosophers in fish markets, and stories in the folds of handloom sarees. Kolkata isn't a place, it's more of a mood. Here's how to spend a day here. Where to begin? Kumartuli : Start with Kumartuli, which is a potters' area settled away in North Kolkata, to experience the soul of the city. Artists here carve out magnificent straw and clay idols of gods and goddesses, especially during Durga Puja time, when the whole city turns into an open-air gallery. Seeing these craftsmen bringing these idols to life is a sight to behold for sure. College Street : A short drive away is College Street, more popularly called 'Boi Para' or Book Lane. The literary heaven has hundreds of improvised bookstalls and second-hand goodies piled up to the heavens. Amid these is situated the fabled Indian Coffee House, which used to be the favorite haunt of well-known people like , Amartya Sen, and Manna Dey. Sip a steaming cup of their iconic coffee while waiters in colonial attire move between the discussion of politics, poetry, and cricket. Victoria Memorial: From there, it is possible to walk to Victoria Memorial, a beautiful white marble building recalling British imperial majesty. The gardens surrounding it provide a serene oasis in the heart of the city. Maidan: Often referred to as Kolkata's lungs, it lies nearby, sprawling over acres, where you might get to watch a game of cricket, ride on horse-drawn carriages, or just recline under a centuries-old tree as hawkers sell jhal muri (spicy puffed rice). Tired of too many ads? go ad free now What to do next? Park Street: By midday, hunger will lead you to Park Street, the former hub of colonial nightlife and still full of cafés and restaurants that mix old-world charm with modern menus. Have a traditional Bengali lunch of shorshe ilish (hilsa in mustard curry) and mishti doi (sweet yogurt) at a local restaurant, or try colonial-style places like Chelo Kebab. Dakshineswar Temple : No trip to Kolkata is complete without a visit to its temples and holy places. The Dakshineswar Kali Temple, along the Hooghly River, is as much a pilgrimage center as it is an exercise in architectural elegance and peace. Go for the boat ride across to Belur Math, headquarters of the Ramakrishna Mission, where river, spirituality, and philosophy converge. : As the day starts to slow down, walk towards Prinsep Ghat, a dreamy riverside promenade. Whether you stroll along its Greek and Gothic pillars or take a sunset cruise, the golden light in Kolkata bathes everything in a warm, nostalgic light. The sounds of street performers, food stalls, and laughter pervade the air, and it is the ideal place to sit and ponder the day. Howrah Bridge : At night, the city changes once more. The Howrah Bridge, bedazzled with light, dominates the city like a steel sentinel. New Market's shopping streets, with shoppers and hagglers, throb with life. Kolkata's nightlife, subdued though it has its beat—jazz performances in old bungalows, experimental theater in basements, and chai in the dead of night at road stalls. Image credits: Canva
Scroll.in
04-05-2025
- Business
- Scroll.in
The blindspots in India's calculation of poverty reduction
Poverty estimates have long been a political battleground in India. The recent Multidimensional Poverty Index findings have been critiqued not just for methodological flaws but also for potentially serving political narratives. Political critics of the government point out, 'It was a report prepared by NITI Aayog (Central government's think tank), (based on) a survey done by them and reported by them.' To be fair, the study of multidimensional poverty was led by the NITI Aayog in collaboration with UNDP and the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative. However, such a self-referential loop does raise questions about transparency and objectivity of India's recent claims of a sharp reduction in multidimensional poverty. Major gains have been reported in states long considered poverty hotspots – Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh. But behind these statistics lies a more complex story. While the numbers may suggest progress, there are significant methodological and contextual concerns that cast doubt on the depth and durability of this achievement. Evolution of poverty metrics India's poverty discourse has evolved from focusing solely on income or consumption to incorporating multidimensional indicators like education, health, and standard of living. This shift began with the pioneering work of Amartya Sen and Mahbub ul Haq in the 1990 UNDP Human Development Report. It later matured into the Global Multidimensional Poverty Index, or MPI, developed by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative – OPHI. While this move represents a broadening of the scope of measuring poverty, it also raises critical concerns about accuracy, representation and the over-simplification of complex realities. Methodological concerns with MPI The Indian version of the MPI, developed by NITI Aayog, extends the global MPI's 10 indicators to 12, adding dimensions like maternal health and financial inclusion. However, the weighting and selection of indicators have drawn criticism from several scholars. For instance, owning a bank account is considered an indicator of improved living standards under MPI, despite nearly universal coverage of owning bank accounts under government schemes. This can inflate the perception of progress without reflecting meaningful change in people's lives. Such modifications to the MPI serve to amplify the appearance of poverty reduction, especially when aligned with flagship government programs. Scholars have highlight how including indicators with high baseline access – like electricity or bank accounts – can distort the index, creating an over-optimistic narrative. Similarly, indicators like 'asset ownership' combine vastly different items – from radios to refrigerators – without accounting for their varying relevance or economic weight. Others have criticised the MPI's arbitrary deprivation cut-off and the omission of critical age-specific nutritional data, especially for children aged 6-14, who are particularly vulnerable. Moreover, the MPI conflates inputs (like the provision of sanitation facilities, which contribute to reducing poverty) with outcomes (like child mortality, which goes down with poverty alleviation). Nutrition indicators show similar issues – while the MPI suggests improvements, anaemia among women and children has worsened between National Family Health Survey (NFHS-4) and NFHS-5, and the 810 million people receiving food subsidies under the Public Distribution System remain underrepresented in MPI estimates. Pandemic realities missing The time-frame for the current MPI estimates includes the early pandemic years, yet more than 70% of the data comes from before Covid-19. As such, the MPI likely fails to reflect the pandemic's devastating impact on health, education, and livelihoods. This limitation is acknowledged, yet the report still makes strong claims about progress during this period. The pandemic led to severe disruptions in education, health services, and employment – particularly among informal workers, who constitute over 90% of India's workforce. School closures affected over 200 million children, and learning loss has been widely reported by surveys such as Annual Status of Education Report (ASER). In this context, gains in MPI education indicators may not represent actual improvements in human development. Moreover, fiscal constraints during the pandemic – India's stimulus package amounted to only about three percent of GDP – curbed the state's capacity to cushion vulnerable populations. Public health expenditure remains below 1.5% of GDP, and the education budget has shrunk to under three percent. Given these realities, projections based on pre-pandemic trends should be treated with caution. Disputed estimates The absence of recent, reliable consumption expenditure data further weakens the poverty discourse. The lack of updated census data, alongside methodological inconsistencies and limited transparency in the implementation of revised consumption surveys, has further eroded the credibility and utility of poverty statistics. The 2017-'18 survey, which reportedly showed a decline in consumption among the poor, was never released. This gap is crucial because consumption data provides a direct link to people's real purchasing power and living standards. Economists have noted that in a country like India with a large informal economy and significant self-employment, national accounts need to be cross-verified with household-level data to ensure credibility. Relying solely on MPI without the parallel support of consumption-based indicators can distort the policymaking landscape. Integrated metrics needed The MPI can offer a broader understanding of poverty, but it cannot replace consumption expenditure data. The two approaches are complementary. While MPI captures structural and multidimensional deprivations, consumption data reflects immediate economic realities and distributional outcomes of growth. A multidimensional approach should not be reduced to a convenient narrative tool but must be grounded in comprehensive, high-quality data. The proposed synergy between both metrics offers the most accurate picture of poverty and helps determine whether India's recovery is 'V-shaped' (equal) or 'K-shaped' (divergent, benefiting only some). Recent research shows that India has made real gains in reducing the intensity of poverty among the poor. However, the number of poor has not declined proportionally, and gains are often skewed toward those who are relatively better off within the poor population. This distinction is often lost in celebratory headlines. Data-driven governance Government programmes such as Poshan Abhiyan, PM Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana, and Jal Jeevan Mission have made important contributions to poverty reduction. Yet, their impact must be rigorously assessed through robust and current data. For instance, the PM-POSHAN scheme now accounts for just 0.26% of the budget – its lowest in nearly a decade – raising concerns about sustained support. Similarly, the Public Distribution System still operates based on Census 2011 figures, which do not reflect current demographic realities. Until India conducts its long-delayed Census, and revives detailed consumption surveys, its poverty assessments will remain incomplete. Way forward To make poverty statistics more credible and policy-relevant, India must prioritise the following: Revive the Data Ecosystem: Conduct the decadal Census, release up-to-date consumption expenditure surveys, and ensure that NFHS data reflects current realities. Combine MPI and Consumption Measures: Use both to capture structural and immediate aspects of poverty. Invest in Social Infrastructure: Allocate sustained resources to public education, healthcare, and social safety nets. Focus on Learning Outcomes: Go beyond enrolment numbers and track actual educational achievement through tools like ASER. Adapt to New Realities: Include emerging dimensions such as digital access, climate resilience, and social inclusion in future poverty metrics. India's poverty story is far from over. While recent figures suggest progress, they also mask critical gaps in methodology, data collection and lived experiences. Policymakers, researchers, and civil society must resist the temptation of easy optimism and instead embrace a comprehensive, data-driven approach that reflects the full spectrum of deprivation. Only then can India claim not just to have reduced poverty on paper, but to have transformed lives on the ground. Dr Anand Prasad Mishra is Retired Professor, Department of Geography, Banaras Hindu University.
