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The Advertiser
23-05-2025
- Politics
- The Advertiser
This week's actions were bizarre. But the Nationals are built a little different
If the decision of the National Party to leave the Coalition seems perplexing, the party's decision to restart negotiations with the Liberal Party a few days later is bizarre. Throughout Australian political history, there have been many minor parties which have contested federal elections but only a very small number of them have ever won seats in parliament. The National Party, however, has been different. Thanks to its capacity to win the support of voters in rural and regional electorates across Queensland, NSW and Victoria, it has been able to win seats in the House of Representatives with a very small national vote. To demonstrate the resilience of the National Party, and how it overachieves in electoral contests, consider the 2025 election results. The Greens won 12.2 per cent of the primary vote in the House of Representatives. This netted them a total of just one seat. The Nationals, on the other hand, achieved a primary vote of 3.8 per cent yet won nine seats. In fact, the party's primary vote went up slightly compared to the 2022 election and it lost just one seat (Calare), which was won by Andrew Gee who had previously been elected as a National but contested this election as an independent. The Nationals have also made the most of their opportunities when the Coalition has been in government. The party held ministerial positions, something other minor parties in the post-war period have been unable to do. Aside from the deputy prime ministership, the Coalition agreement meant the party also held portfolios relevant to their constituency, including primary industries. While the Coalition between the two parties has been resilient, there has been no shortage of those within the Nationals who have been sceptical of remaining united with the Liberal Party. In one of the most famous instances of where this came to a head was in 1987 when the then Queensland premier and leader of the National Party, Joh Bjelke-Petersen, ran a campaign to become prime minister. The Coalition lost the 1987 election and made it very easy for Labor prime ,inister Bob Hawke to argue that the Coalition was not ready for government. Hawke used the simple, yet devastating, line "that if you can't govern yourselves, you can't govern the country" ahead of the 1990 poll which the Coalition also lost. Since then, the National Party has faced powerful challengers appealing to similar constituencies, including Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party and the Katter Australia Party yet has remained in positions of power that neither challenger has ever experienced. The National Party's initial decision to leave the Coalition was not unanimous and breaking away from the Liberal Party could be risky. There were already reports about the party losing valuable staff and resources if they left the Coalition. But there may also be some very important benefits for the Nationals to go it alone. A break from the Coalition will allow the National Party to determine its policy direction. The party has seemingly conflicted with the more progressive-oriented Liberal MPs on a range of issues. In recent years, there have been tensions on the topic of same sex marriage, and some Nationals have appeared to support Donald Trump's recognition of only two sexes. The Liberal Party's hesitation to commit to nuclear energy in the future is also a sore point as does its unwillingness to support divesture laws. Having some time apart will allow the Nationals to reconnect with their constituents and members. Reports about the National Party demanding the capacity to be in the shadow cabinet but then speak out against it when it suited them was troublesome. The Westminster convention of cabinet solidarity is about keeping governments accountable as a whole, and that a minister must resign or be dismissed by the PM if they publicly disagree with the decisions of their colleagues. Similar principles would be expected for the opposition. Politically, it would have been fraught with danger for Sussan Ley, as leader of the opposition, to have one eye on National Party shadow ministers in the hope they did not publicly condemn the decisions of the alternative government. READ MORE: Such a situation would have made it too easy for the Albanese government to argue that the opposition was divided and not ready for government. Australian political history demonstrates that Labor benefits when the Coalition is misfiring. With Labor's massive victory in 2025, the Coalition parties cannot afford to show any divisions. Having a leaky shadow cabinet with publicly visible divisions over policy would be more damaging for both Coalition parties at this stage than if they were to have a bit of time apart to get their houses in order. The initial decision for the National Party to break out of the Coalition doesn't seem like a perplexing decision after all. If the decision of the National Party to leave the Coalition seems perplexing, the party's decision to restart negotiations with the Liberal Party a few days later is bizarre. Throughout Australian political history, there have been many minor parties which have contested federal elections but only a very small number of them have ever won seats in parliament. The National Party, however, has been different. Thanks to its capacity to win the support of voters in rural and regional electorates across Queensland, NSW and Victoria, it has been able to win seats in the House of Representatives with a very small national vote. To demonstrate the resilience of the National Party, and how it overachieves in electoral contests, consider the 2025 election results. The Greens won 12.2 per cent of the primary vote in the House of Representatives. This netted them a total of just one seat. The Nationals, on the other hand, achieved a primary vote of 3.8 per cent yet won nine seats. In fact, the party's primary vote went up slightly compared to the 2022 election and it lost just one seat (Calare), which was won by Andrew Gee who had previously been elected as a National but contested this election as an independent. The Nationals have also made the most of their opportunities when the Coalition has been in government. The party held ministerial positions, something other minor parties in the post-war period have been unable to do. Aside from the deputy prime ministership, the Coalition agreement meant the party also held portfolios relevant to their constituency, including primary industries. While the Coalition between the two parties has been resilient, there has been no shortage of those within the Nationals who have been sceptical of remaining united with the Liberal Party. In one of the most famous instances of where this came to a head was in 1987 when the then Queensland premier and leader of the National Party, Joh Bjelke-Petersen, ran a campaign to become prime minister. The Coalition lost the 1987 election and made it very easy for Labor prime ,inister Bob Hawke to argue that the Coalition was not ready for government. Hawke used the simple, yet devastating, line "that if you can't govern yourselves, you can't govern the country" ahead of the 1990 poll which the Coalition also lost. Since then, the National Party has faced powerful challengers appealing to similar constituencies, including Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party and the Katter Australia Party yet has remained in positions of power that neither challenger has ever experienced. The National Party's initial decision to leave the Coalition was not unanimous and breaking away from the Liberal Party could be risky. There were already reports about the party losing valuable staff and resources if they left the Coalition. But there may also be some very important benefits for the Nationals to go it alone. A break from the Coalition will allow the National Party to determine its policy direction. The party has seemingly conflicted with the more progressive-oriented Liberal MPs on a range of issues. In recent years, there have been tensions on the topic of same sex marriage, and some Nationals have appeared to support Donald Trump's recognition of only two sexes. The Liberal Party's hesitation to commit to nuclear energy in the future is also a sore point as does its unwillingness to support divesture laws. Having some time apart will allow the Nationals to reconnect with their constituents and members. Reports about the National Party demanding the capacity to be in the shadow cabinet but then speak out against it when it suited them was troublesome. The Westminster convention of cabinet solidarity is about keeping governments accountable as a whole, and that a minister must resign or be dismissed by the PM if they publicly disagree with the decisions of their colleagues. Similar principles would be expected for the opposition. Politically, it would have been fraught with danger for Sussan Ley, as leader of the opposition, to have one eye on National Party shadow ministers in the hope they did not publicly condemn the decisions of the alternative government. READ MORE: Such a situation would have made it too easy for the Albanese government to argue that the opposition was divided and not ready for government. Australian political history demonstrates that Labor benefits when the Coalition is misfiring. With Labor's massive victory in 2025, the Coalition parties cannot afford to show any divisions. Having a leaky shadow cabinet with publicly visible divisions over policy would be more damaging for both Coalition parties at this stage than if they were to have a bit of time apart to get their houses in order. The initial decision for the National Party to break out of the Coalition doesn't seem like a perplexing decision after all. If the decision of the National Party to leave the Coalition seems perplexing, the party's decision to restart negotiations with the Liberal Party a few days later is bizarre. Throughout Australian political history, there have been many minor parties which have contested federal elections but only a very small number of them have ever won seats in parliament. The National Party, however, has been different. Thanks to its capacity to win the support of voters in rural and regional electorates across Queensland, NSW and Victoria, it has been able to win seats in the House of Representatives with a very small national vote. To demonstrate the resilience of the National Party, and how it overachieves in electoral contests, consider the 2025 election results. The Greens won 12.2 per cent of the primary vote in the House of Representatives. This netted them a total of just one seat. The Nationals, on the other hand, achieved a primary vote of 3.8 per cent yet won nine seats. In fact, the party's primary vote went up slightly compared to the 2022 election and it lost just one seat (Calare), which was won by Andrew Gee who had previously been elected as a National but contested this election as an independent. The Nationals have also made the most of their opportunities when the Coalition has been in government. The party held ministerial positions, something other minor parties in the post-war period have been unable to do. Aside from the deputy prime ministership, the Coalition agreement meant the party also held portfolios relevant to their constituency, including primary industries. While the Coalition between the two parties has been resilient, there has been no shortage of those within the Nationals who have been sceptical of remaining united with the Liberal Party. In one of the most famous instances of where this came to a head was in 1987 when the then Queensland premier and leader of the National Party, Joh Bjelke-Petersen, ran a campaign to become prime minister. The Coalition lost the 1987 election and made it very easy for Labor prime ,inister Bob Hawke to argue that the Coalition was not ready for government. Hawke used the simple, yet devastating, line "that if you can't govern yourselves, you can't govern the country" ahead of the 1990 poll which the Coalition also lost. Since then, the National Party has faced powerful challengers appealing to similar constituencies, including Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party and the Katter Australia Party yet has remained in positions of power that neither challenger has ever experienced. The National Party's initial decision to leave the Coalition was not unanimous and breaking away from the Liberal Party could be risky. There were already reports about the party losing valuable staff and resources if they left the Coalition. But there may also be some very important benefits for the Nationals to go it alone. A break from the Coalition will allow the National Party to determine its policy direction. The party has seemingly conflicted with the more progressive-oriented Liberal MPs on a range of issues. In recent years, there have been tensions on the topic of same sex marriage, and some Nationals have appeared to support Donald Trump's recognition of only two sexes. The Liberal Party's hesitation to commit to nuclear energy in the future is also a sore point as does its unwillingness to support divesture laws. Having some time apart will allow the Nationals to reconnect with their constituents and members. Reports about the National Party demanding the capacity to be in the shadow cabinet but then speak out against it when it suited them was troublesome. The Westminster convention of cabinet solidarity is about keeping governments accountable as a whole, and that a minister must resign or be dismissed by the PM if they publicly disagree with the decisions of their colleagues. Similar principles would be expected for the opposition. Politically, it would have been fraught with danger for Sussan Ley, as leader of the opposition, to have one eye on National Party shadow ministers in the hope they did not publicly condemn the decisions of the alternative government. READ MORE: Such a situation would have made it too easy for the Albanese government to argue that the opposition was divided and not ready for government. Australian political history demonstrates that Labor benefits when the Coalition is misfiring. With Labor's massive victory in 2025, the Coalition parties cannot afford to show any divisions. Having a leaky shadow cabinet with publicly visible divisions over policy would be more damaging for both Coalition parties at this stage than if they were to have a bit of time apart to get their houses in order. The initial decision for the National Party to break out of the Coalition doesn't seem like a perplexing decision after all. If the decision of the National Party to leave the Coalition seems perplexing, the party's decision to restart negotiations with the Liberal Party a few days later is bizarre. Throughout Australian political history, there have been many minor parties which have contested federal elections but only a very small number of them have ever won seats in parliament. The National Party, however, has been different. Thanks to its capacity to win the support of voters in rural and regional electorates across Queensland, NSW and Victoria, it has been able to win seats in the House of Representatives with a very small national vote. To demonstrate the resilience of the National Party, and how it overachieves in electoral contests, consider the 2025 election results. The Greens won 12.2 per cent of the primary vote in the House of Representatives. This netted them a total of just one seat. The Nationals, on the other hand, achieved a primary vote of 3.8 per cent yet won nine seats. In fact, the party's primary vote went up slightly compared to the 2022 election and it lost just one seat (Calare), which was won by Andrew Gee who had previously been elected as a National but contested this election as an independent. The Nationals have also made the most of their opportunities when the Coalition has been in government. The party held ministerial positions, something other minor parties in the post-war period have been unable to do. Aside from the deputy prime ministership, the Coalition agreement meant the party also held portfolios relevant to their constituency, including primary industries. While the Coalition between the two parties has been resilient, there has been no shortage of those within the Nationals who have been sceptical of remaining united with the Liberal Party. In one of the most famous instances of where this came to a head was in 1987 when the then Queensland premier and leader of the National Party, Joh Bjelke-Petersen, ran a campaign to become prime minister. The Coalition lost the 1987 election and made it very easy for Labor prime ,inister Bob Hawke to argue that the Coalition was not ready for government. Hawke used the simple, yet devastating, line "that if you can't govern yourselves, you can't govern the country" ahead of the 1990 poll which the Coalition also lost. Since then, the National Party has faced powerful challengers appealing to similar constituencies, including Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party and the Katter Australia Party yet has remained in positions of power that neither challenger has ever experienced. The National Party's initial decision to leave the Coalition was not unanimous and breaking away from the Liberal Party could be risky. There were already reports about the party losing valuable staff and resources if they left the Coalition. But there may also be some very important benefits for the Nationals to go it alone. A break from the Coalition will allow the National Party to determine its policy direction. The party has seemingly conflicted with the more progressive-oriented Liberal MPs on a range of issues. In recent years, there have been tensions on the topic of same sex marriage, and some Nationals have appeared to support Donald Trump's recognition of only two sexes. The Liberal Party's hesitation to commit to nuclear energy in the future is also a sore point as does its unwillingness to support divesture laws. Having some time apart will allow the Nationals to reconnect with their constituents and members. Reports about the National Party demanding the capacity to be in the shadow cabinet but then speak out against it when it suited them was troublesome. The Westminster convention of cabinet solidarity is about keeping governments accountable as a whole, and that a minister must resign or be dismissed by the PM if they publicly disagree with the decisions of their colleagues. Similar principles would be expected for the opposition. Politically, it would have been fraught with danger for Sussan Ley, as leader of the opposition, to have one eye on National Party shadow ministers in the hope they did not publicly condemn the decisions of the alternative government. READ MORE: Such a situation would have made it too easy for the Albanese government to argue that the opposition was divided and not ready for government. Australian political history demonstrates that Labor benefits when the Coalition is misfiring. With Labor's massive victory in 2025, the Coalition parties cannot afford to show any divisions. Having a leaky shadow cabinet with publicly visible divisions over policy would be more damaging for both Coalition parties at this stage than if they were to have a bit of time apart to get their houses in order. The initial decision for the National Party to break out of the Coalition doesn't seem like a perplexing decision after all.
News.com.au
11-05-2025
- Politics
- News.com.au
Embarrassing fail haunting Angus Taylor
Liberal leadership contender Angus Taylor is getting rinsed on his social media accounts by cheeky Australians and it's all about a Facebook mishap he would rather forget. The Liberal MP will go head-to-head with Sussan Ley on Tuesday with the MPs left standing from the electoral bloodbath to decide on a new leader. But his claim to fame among people who are very online is all about some old posts on his Facebook account. It was way back in 2019 when the Liberal MP or a staffer operating his account was caught out on his official Facebook page. He was spotted replying to his own post, telling himself he was 'fantastic'. The Angus Taylor account then told the Angus Taylor post, 'well done Angus'. It's been used against him in parliament ever since, with Labor MPs routinely shouting 'well done Angus!' every time he gets to his feet. The post in question was spruiking an extra 1,000 car spots at Campbelltown station, is in the electorate next to New South Wales seat of Hume. Just hours after the post, the same Facebook account replied to its own post, 'Fantastic. Great move. Well done Angus'. The Facebook whoopsie made international news and was even reported by the BBC. The UK's former shadow chancellor, Ed Balls, also once tweeted his own name ('Ed Balls') instead of searching it, in an event that was so beloved it had its own commemorative day, known as Ed Balls Day. Another politician does an 'Angus Taylor' This year, Independent MP Andrew Gee was accused of being caught doing an 'Angus Taylor' by replying to a Facebook post from his own account. He posted a statement on Facebook about the Nationals engaging in 'dirty tactics' on day one of the election, claiming they had called an elderly constituent and spread 'blatant lies about who I was going to preference in this election'. In a comment underneath the post, Gee then thanked himself for being a 'good guy'. 'Thank you Andrew Gee MP I am new to the area and have received texts from the Nationals and seen nasty ads in the paper from the Teal mob, it has helped me see who is the good guy,' the comment read. It was later deleted and comments on the post were restricted. A spokesperson for Mr Gee later blamed the fail on a 'new and inexperienced member of the campaign team who had access to the page'. Senator Jacinta Price will run for deputy Meanwhile, Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price has announced she will run for the deputy Liberal Party leadership and is backing Angus Taylor for the top job just days after joining the Liberal Party room. Hugely popular with the membership base and political donors, Senator Price has the right as a Country Liberal Party MP to choose which party room she sits in. Endorsing Angus Taylor's bid for the leadership, Senator Price confirmed on Sunday morning that she would run as his deputy. 'Today I announce my candidacy for Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party and my endorsement for Angus Taylor's candidacy for Leader,' Ms Price said. 'As I've said with respect to my decision to change party rooms, these are not matters which I take lightly and this decision today brings with it a great deal of responsibility which I fully accept. 'There is no question that returning to our roots as a party is critical right now. If we want to inspire and empower Australians across our country, we must return to these roots. Ms Price said the party must stand for the 'forgotten people' and 'mainstream Australians'. 'I think of my grandparents who were by no means the elite, building their first home by hand with hessian bags and washing their clothes in the creek in Warners Bay, NSW,'' she said. 'But they saw a spark, a vision of a brighter future for generations to come.' But it's her decision to run for a leadership position before she's even sat in the party room that's raised eyebrows given the deputy has an important pastoral care role. 'She's perfectly entitled to put her hand up. The party room will decide that but people will have different ideas about that I think,'' Liberal Senator Dave Sharma said. Her big switch to the Liberal Party is being backed by former prime minister Tony Abbott and other conservatives. A vote on the Liberal leadership will take place in Canberra on Tuesday. 'Traitor' claim While her defection is a huge coup for the Liberals, her move has enraged the Nationals who called it the act of a 'traitor.' 'By doing this Jacinta is the Lidia Thorpe of the Coalition … before the votes are even counted, she's switched to another side,' Nationals Senator Canavan said. Senator Canavan announced on Friday that he would challenge David Littleproud for the leadership of the Nationals. '(Ms Nampijinpa Price) has disenfranchised the voter, disappointed the members of the Country Liberal Party, she used Nationals Party funds to elect herself and before she's even elected she's turned around,'' he said. 'It's a traitorous act.' Liberal MPs welcome Senator Price Prominent Liberal senator James Paterson, who is regarded as an ally of Mr Taylor in the leadership tussle, welcomed the switch. 'Delighted by friend @jacintanampijinpa has joined the @liberalaus. Welcome home Jacinta!' he posted on Instagram. 'The Nationals were the first to lead the 'No' case in relation to the Voice, backing Senator Nampijinpa Price early and before anyone else did. Bitter factional fight as two contenders emerge A bitter factional fight has already erupted with both camps trading blows. Mr Taylor's camp assert that Sussan Ley never spoke up in the budget lock up against the treasury spokesman's disastrous decision to oppose Labor's tax cuts. She is being backed by Liberal powerbroker Alex Hawke who was also pivotal in the rise of Scott Morrison. Ms Ley's supporters assert that Mr Taylor has been an 'absolute disaster' in the economic portfolio. Who is Sussan Ley? The mother of three famously secured her pilot licence when she was 20 years old and worked briefly as an air traffic controller before joining the Australian Taxation Office in Albury. She also changed the spelling of her first name to Sussan, after discovering a numerology theory and joined a punk band in her youth. More recently, she dressed as Tina Turner to raise money for a cancer charity. She was first promoted to cabinet by former Prime Minister Tony Abbott in December 2014, replacing Peter Dutton who was moved to the immigration portfolio in a cabinet reshuffle. She ultimately served as Finance Minister and Health Minister before she was forced to step aside from cabinet over an expenses scandal. During that period, Labor's famed dirt unit leaked a dossier of travel records to newspaper outlets to engineer a political crisis. Leaked emails in the book Party Animals outlined the political research unit's success in triggering two of the biggest scandals to rock the Abbott and Turnbull government which weakened Tony Abbott's leadership and also sparked a major review of travel rules. Meanwhile, prominent anti-Voice campaigner Jacinta Price dropped a bombshell on Thursday revealing that she will move to sit with the Liberal Party in an effort to 'rebuild' the party after a blustering election loss. Co-ordinated attacks on Angus Taylor The fight between Ms Ley and Liberal Party treasury spokesman Angus Taylor erupted on election night with her supporters slamming him as 'an absolute disaster'. While the contest in theory isn't a factional fight, Mr Taylor is associated with the right faction and Ms Ley the Centre Right led by powerbroker Alex Hawke. Mr Taylor, though, may have a harder time, with one colleague blasting his performance as the opposition's numbers man. 'I have concerns about his capability,' Liberal senator Hollie Hughes told the ABC. 'I feel that we have zero economic policy to sell. I don't know what he's been doing for three years.
The Age
04-05-2025
- Politics
- The Age
Smashed Liberals banished to the outer suburbs as Sydney's political map is redrawn
A wave of red and teal has recast the NSW electoral map, with the Liberals and Nationals set to hold fewer than a third of the state's federal seats. The Coalition parties could be reduced to just 12 of the state's 46 federal electorates – six Liberal and six National – after Labor's victory on Saturday. The ALP snatched the Liberal seats of Banks and Hughes while teal independent Nicolette Boele is ahead in the north shore electorate of Bradfield, once considered a Liberal stronghold. The Nationals lost the regional seat of Calare to former National-turned-independent Andrew Gee. Saturday's electoral earthquake has effectively banished federal Liberals to Sydney's outer suburban pockets. If Boele wins Bradfield, independent candidates will hold just five Sydney seats – the same tally as the Liberal Party in the city. Sydney's south deserts the Liberals At the last election, despite a nationwide swing to Labor, the Liberals had relatively comfortable victories in Banks, in the Georges River area, and Hughes, which takes in parts of the Sutherland Shire. But the redistribution in NSW for this year's election halved the Liberal margin in Hughes – from 7 per cent to 3.5 per cent – and reduced the margin in Banks to 2.6 per cent, making it the Liberals' most vulnerable NSW seat.
Sydney Morning Herald
04-05-2025
- Politics
- Sydney Morning Herald
Smashed Liberals banished to the outer suburbs as Sydney's political map is redrawn
A wave of red and teal has recast the NSW electoral map, with the Liberals and Nationals set to hold fewer than a third of the state's federal seats. The Coalition parties could be reduced to just 12 of the state's 46 federal electorates – six Liberal and six National – after Labor's victory on Saturday. The ALP snatched the Liberal seats of Banks and Hughes while teal independent Nicolette Boele is ahead in the north shore electorate of Bradfield, once considered a Liberal stronghold. The Nationals lost the regional seat of Calare to former National-turned-independent Andrew Gee. Saturday's electoral earthquake has effectively banished federal Liberals to Sydney's outer suburban pockets. If Boele wins Bradfield, independent candidates will hold just five Sydney seats – the same tally as the Liberal Party in the city. Sydney's south deserts the Liberals At the last election, despite a nationwide swing to Labor, the Liberals had relatively comfortable victories in Banks, in the Georges River area, and Hughes, which takes in parts of the Sutherland Shire. But the redistribution in NSW for this year's election halved the Liberal margin in Hughes – from 7 per cent to 3.5 per cent – and reduced the margin in Banks to 2.6 per cent, making it the Liberals' most vulnerable NSW seat.
Perth Now
03-05-2025
- Politics
- Perth Now
Nationals likely to hold all seats as Liberals smashed
The Nationals have again outperformed the Liberals, battening down the hatches in their seats as their coalition partner experienced an electoral storm. The junior coalition party has retained almost all of its seats and took large chunks out of Labor's margin in the Northern Territory seat of Solomon and Victorian seat of Bendigo, but were unsuccessful in both. The regional NSW seat of Calare has been called for independent Andrew Gee who quit the party and sat on the crossbench over its objection to the Voice referendum. But Nationals Leader David Littleproud didn't rule the party out of the contest. "We're not out of the Calare fight either. Our modelling is showing its 50-50, we're still waiting for those numbers to come in," he told AAP. The coalition needed to win Calare to win government, Mr Littleproud had claimed ahead of a Liberal wipeout and Labor claiming majority government., Nationals candidate Sam Farraway oversaw a near 20 per cent hit to the party's primary vote. Independent Caz Heise has had a thin swing toward her in the NSW mid-north coast seat of Cowper, but Nationals MP Pat Conaghan kept his nose in front. Ms Heise increased her primary vote by 5.5 per cent while Mr Conaghan's dropped by more than six, but the Nationals MP held the seat with just over 52 per cent after preference flows, with about 40 per cent of ballots counted. "We knew it was going to be tight, no secret there, but he's done the work," Nationals senator Bridget McKenzie told Nine on Saturday night. Bendigo and Hunter were targets but have been called for Labor. But results for the former wouldn't be known until Monday with more preference data yet to be crunched, Mr Littleproud said despite the call. Labor increased its lead in the Hunter, where the opposition had planned to put one of its nuclear power plants. The Nationals nearly claimed Solomon with the associated Country Liberal Party picking up a seven per cent swing, but Labor's Luke Gosling just held on with 1.5 per cent.
