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Hindustan Times
3 days ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
India's stakes in the coming Arctic Rush
In March, Russian ambassador to India Denis Alipov addressed a conference on the somewhat arcane topic of 'Uniting North and South for Sustainable Development in the Arctic' in New Delhi. Jointly organised by Russia's Northern Forum and the Vivekananda International Foundation, the conference was attended by representatives of government agencies, as well as scientific and academic institutions. Also represented was the Republic of Yakutia, the largest Russian/Siberian province with an Arctic Sea coast. Highlighting the favourable prospects for Indo-Russian cooperation in the development of the Arctic regions, including collaboration in energy exploration and exploiting the full potential of Arctic sea routes, the ambassador expressed concern over the 'growing militarisation of the Arctic'. According to him, collaboration with India in research on multiple polar scientific disciplines, including Arctic influences on monsoon dynamics, would be mutually beneficial. While the polar regions may not figure prominently in the popular imagination, India's scientific community — with full political support — has been engaged in polar research since 1981. Reflecting its growing scientific commitment to understanding atmospheric science, the climate crisis, glaciology, and polar biology, the Goa-based National Centre for Polar and Ocean Research has been implementing India's policy for polar studies. India established its first research base in Antarctica, Dakshin Gangotri, way back in 1983-84, with Maitri and Bharati constructed later. In the Arctic, India's scientific endeavours began in 2008 with the establishment of the research station, Himadri, in Ny-Alesund in Norway's Svalbard archipelago. India has, subsequently, become an observer in the Arctic Council, an inter-governmental body, comprising the five 'Arctic nations', Canada, Denmark, Norway, Russia, and the US, plus neighbouring Sweden, Finland, and Iceland. The significance of India's early, active interest in polar affairs is best understood vis-à-vis the approach adopted by other nations. In August 2007, Russia sent a research ship to the North Pole, where a mini-submarine made a record-breaking dive to 13,000 feet below the ice and, in a dramatic gesture reminiscent of 16th-century imperial conquests, planted a titanium Russian flag on the seabed. Apart from the scientific and technological significance of this venture, Russia's objective was to stake an early claim to the Arctic's continental shelf with its embedded hydrocarbon and mineral wealth. China, identifying itself as a near-Arctic State, has been undertaking scientific exploration for many years and has also acquired observer status in the Arctic Council. While eyeing the Arctic as a potential source of valuable natural resources, China looks forward to establishing a Polar Silk Route through these waters. China's ambitious programme to build ice-breakers, ships essential for cutting a safe path through polar ice, for merchant shipping, is an indication of its Arctic ambitions. Surrounded by Eurasia and North America, the Arctic is the smallest and shallowest of the world's water bodies recognised as an ocean with two main outlets — one of the outlets is into the Atlantic through the Greenland-Iceland-UK (GI-UK) gap, and the other through the Bering Strait that separates American Alaska from Russian Siberia. Due to low salinity, the Arctic Ocean is covered with a thick layer of sea ice, whose spread fluctuates seasonally, which makes navigation in these waters hazardous for ships. For centuries, polar waters had remained off-limits except for scientific expeditions. The advent of ballistic-missile nuclear submarines (SSBN) invested them with strategic significance during the Cold War. Since an inter-continental missile launched from the Arctic would have the shortest time of flight to the continental US as well as the Russian heartland, the Soviets had established classical naval bastions for its SSBNs, which NATO maritime forces sought to keep under continuous surveillance. But now, intense jockeying has commenced, not only by the five Arctic nations but also by others seeking to exploit nature's last frontier for its natural wealth. Conflicting claims seek access to what geologists believe are a quarter of the globe's unexploited oil and gas reserves as well as other natural/mineral resources. These are being considered under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. Given its techno-economic resurgence, India will soon be the world's second-largest energy consumer after China. With limited hydrocarbon resources, should India's plans for nuclear and renewable energy resources fail to deliver, it will need other options. Under these circumstances, collaboration with Russia, which has been engaged in developing advanced technologies for polar exploration, would be a logical decision. A second area of intense interest to seafaring and trade-dependent nations is access to two potential sea routes that run across the Arctic, connecting the Pacific to the Atlantic. One is called the North-West Passage, which runs through the Canadian Arctic Archipelago along the coast of North America, and the other is the Northern Sea Route (NSR), which runs along the Siberian coast between the GI-UK Gap and the Bering Strait. So far, both routes have been available only during summer and require the use of ice-breakers. However, with the Arctic ice pack dwindling, it is expected that shipping traffic will be able to use this waterway more freely in the future. Ice-breakers may, however, still be required. The adoption of this new routing by merchant ships would obviate transit through the Suez and Panama Canal bottlenecks and cut down distances between Europe, the west coast of America, Asia and the Far East by as much as 5,000-6,000 km or 15-20 days sailing, slashing shipping costs. For India, the opening of the NSR would not only bolster energy security but also reinforce its strategic autonomy; by countering, on one hand, China's influence and strengthening, and on the other, ties with Russia, via cooperation in the Arctic. If US President Donald Trump's obsession with acquiring Greenland is any indicator, an Arctic Gold Rush for economic and strategic advantage is in the offing. This is an opportune moment for India to readily grasp the Russian ambassador's invitation to become 'a strategic partner in the joint development of the Arctic area'. Arun Prakash is a former chief of naval staff. The views expressed are personal.
Indian Express
7 days ago
- Science
- Indian Express
Knowledge Nugget: India's First Polar Research Vehicle – A must-know for UPSC
Take a look at the essential concepts, terms, quotes, or phenomena every day and brush up your knowledge. Here's your knowledge nugget for today. (Relevance: Arctic sea ice has been shrinking for decades. Several expeditions have been sent to study the impact of climate change in this region. In 2018, a Mains question was asked on India's interest in the Arctic region. Prelims question was asked on the Arctic Council. In this regard, India's signing of the MoU for the building of the first-ever polar research vehicle is an important development for your UPSC exam.) On June 3rd, Kolkata-based Garden Reach Shipbuilders and Engineers Limited (GRSE), a Government of India undertaking, signed an MoU with Norwegian firm Kongsberg to co-design and build India's first-ever polar research vehicle (PRV) indigenously. GRSE, which has built warships, survey and research vessels, will build the PRV in its yard in Kolkata. 1. The MoU was signed in Oslo in the presence of Union Minister of Ports, Shipping and Waterways Sarbananda Sonowal, who termed it 'a commitment to fostering scientific discovery, advancing India's capabilities in polar and ocean research, and contributing to global efforts to address pressing challenges like climate change.' 2. A PRV is a ship that serves as a platform for research in the polar regions (areas surrounding the North and South Poles). It can also help scientists undertake research in the ocean realm. The PRV will be equipped with the latest scientific equipment, enabling researchers to explore the oceans' depths and study marine ecosystems. 3. India currently operates three research base stations in the polar regions — Bharati and Maitri in Antarctica, and Himadri in the Arctic region — and had been planning to have its own PRV for a while now. 4. The National Centre for Polar and Ocean Research (NCPOR), operating under the Ministry of Earth Sciences, is the nodal agency responsible for the planning and execution of research expeditions to the Arctic, the Antarctic and the Himalayas. 5. The polar regions, the Arctic and Antarctica, offer pristine environments for scientists to study a range of natural phenomena for atmospheric, oceanic, biological, geological, glaciological and earth sciences research. In recent years, climate change research has been attracting scientists to the Arctic region. 6. Arctic sea ice has been shrinking for decades. In the last 40 years, the sea ice extent has been decreasing by 12.6% each decade, according to a 2023 report in the MIT Climate Portal. Expeditions have been sent to study lightning over the Arctic in winter, the role of precipitation in climate change, the characterisation of radio frequency environment, and the role of aerosols on climate change. In this regard, the decision to build the first-ever polar research vehicle is an important development. Research base stations of India 1. India signed the Svalbard Treaty in Paris in 1920. According to the website of arcticportal, 'The treaty establishes Norway's full and undivided sovereignty over Svalbard. Svalbard is part of the Kingdom of Norway, and it is Norway that ratifies and enforces the legislation that is to apply to the archipelago.' 2. It was not until 2007 that the first Indian expedition comprising five scientists visited the International Arctic Research Facilities at Ny-Ålesund with the purpose of initiating studies in Arctic microbiology, atmospheric sciences, and geology. India's permanent research station, Himadri, began operations in July 2008. 3. Dakshin Gangotri in Antarctica was set up in 1983, two years after India's first expedition there. Dakshin Gangotri is now submerged under ice, but India's two other stations, Maitri and Bharti, are in use. It is governed by the Antarctic Treaty. 4. The Antarctic Treaty was originally signed by 12 countries — Argentina, Australia, Chile, France, New Zealand, Norway, the United Kingdom, the United States, the Soviet Union, Belgium, Japan, and South Africa — on December 1, 1959 to provide a framework for peaceful coexistence and scientific cooperation in the continent. 5. Currently, 56 countries are part of the treaty — 29 of which, including all 12 original signatories, are 'Consultative Parties', which are part of the decision-making process. India, which joined the treaty in 1983, is also a Consultative Party. 1. India is making bold moves in shipbuilding. The 2025 Union budget laid the foundation for a maritime resurgence, with mega clusters, a Rs 25,000-crore Maritime Development Fund (MDF), customs duty exemptions, and infrastructure status for large vessels. 2. The Rs 25,000 crore maritime development fund will be for distributed support and promoting competition. The government will contribute 49 per cent of the fund, with the remainder to be mobilised from ports and the private sector. 3. India is increasingly investing in shipbuilding clusters, as India's outward remittance on transport services is increasing with rising exports. In 2022, traders remitted over $109 billion as transport service charges. 4. MDF will facilitate the financing for ship acquisition with the aim of boosting the Indian flagged ships' share in the global cargo volume up to 20% by 2047. By 2030, MDF is aiming at generating upto ₹1.5 lakh crore investment in the shipping sector. 5. The Budget also extended the Shipbuilding Financial Assistance Policy (SBFAP) 2.0 with the total budget outlay of Rs 18,090 crore. It offers direct financial subsidies to Indian shipyards to enhance their competitiveness in the global market. (1) Consider the following statements: 1. India signed the Svalbard Treaty in 1983, leading to India's first research station, Dakshin Gangotri. 2. Himadri is India's permanent research station in Antarctica. Which of the following statements is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None (2) Consider the following countries: (UPSC CSE 2014) 1. Denmark 2. Japan 3. Russian Federation 4. United Kingdom 5. United States of America Which of the above are the members of the 'Arctic Council'? (a) 1, 2 and 3 only (b) 2, 3 and 4 only (c) 1, 4 and 5 only (d) 1, 3 and 5 only Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X. 🚨 Click Here to read the UPSC Essentials magazine for May 2025. Share your views and suggestions in the comment box or at Khushboo Kumari is a Deputy Copy Editor with The Indian Express. She has done her graduation and post-graduation in History from the University of Delhi. At The Indian Express, she writes for the UPSC section. She holds experience in UPSC-related content development. You can contact her via email: ... Read More
NDTV
26-05-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
NDTV Explains: India vs China In Race For Arctic Oil, Gas, Shipping Routes
Unlike China, India is seen as slow-playing its Arctic card, choosing to cooperate with the Council and present itself as a 'responsible stakeholder' by engaging with all sides on key issues. Welcome to the Arctic Circle. The race to 'conquer' the world's final frontier is gathering steam and India is gently but firmly positioning itself in that contest, one which China has also entered and which has been given added urgency by Russian military actions in 2014 (the Crimean War) and 2022 (invasion of Ukraine). The 'rewards' are staggering though - from oil and minerals to drinking water, from access to faster shipping routes to a possibly decisive upper hand in the global geopolitical and military arena. Advertisement - Scroll to continue A remote and largely inhospitable region of the world, the Arctic has emerged as the next global geopolitical and geostrategic hotspot, possibly even the next battlefield, thanks to climate change and the warming of polar ice caps. But its strategic importance has never really been in doubt. It has, for the most part, been a question of access, specifically terrain so bleak it made extracting oil and other natural resources, navigating the waters, or maintaining military bases near-impossible. Where is the Arctic? What we identify as the Arctic is the northernmost region of our planet. The common definition is that area within the Arctic Circle, a line of latitude about 66.5 degrees north of the Equator. Within this area are the Arctic Ocean and the polar ice caps, and over four million people from eight countries - the United States, Canada, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. There are also an estimated 500,000 people from indigenous tribal communities. Together, they make up the Arctic Council, countries with territories inside the Arctic and "carry the role as stewards of the region", and which India has been 'engaging' for several years. In 2013 India was made an 'observer nation' of the Council. What is in the Arctic? Compressed into approximately 14.5 million square kilometres, the Arctic holds 13 per cent of the world's undiscovered oil and 30 per cent of all undiscovered natural gas stores. That amounts to 90 billion barrels of oil, 1,670 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, and 44 billion barrels of natural gas liquids, which are hydrocarbons extracted from natural gas or crude Dark blue regions have at least one undiscovered oil and/or gas field. Photo: United States Geological Survey It also contains vast reserves of coal, iron, copper, zinc, nickel, bauxite, diamonds, and sulphides, and also millions of tons of phosphate used to make fertilisers. The Arctic also holds an estimated 20 of the world's freshwater reserves, which is a commodity that could well become more valuable than any other in the not-too-distant future. Dark green-shaded areas are believed to have over 10 billion barrels of undiscovered oil Photo Credit: United States Geological Survey There is gold too; the Fort Knox Gold Mine in Alaska is one of the largest in the world. And Arctic shipping routes could allow maritime trade to cut down on 8,000 km as they ferry the estimated billions of tons of cargo shipped annually between the Europe and Asia. Why is the Arctic important now Because it is melting. Global warming means the Arctic's ice caps and the vast stretches of frozen ice that make it impossible for most ships to pass - certainly not without an ice-breaker plowing a path before your vessel - are melting, at a rate nearly four times faster than anywhere else in the world. This opens the door to begin extracting those billions of barrels of oil, a treasure trove countries doing the extraction, for example, could use to reduce dependence on West Asian suppliers. It also opens the door to millions of tons of coal and precious metals under the ice. An icebreaker is a special-purpose ship or boat that navigates through ice-covered waters (File). Overall, the melting of the ice caps has woken the world to the natural resources and strategic importance of the Arctic, both of which interest countries beyond the Council, including India. In fact, on May 3 and 4, 2025, the Observer Research Foundation and the Arctic Circle, a 60-nation "network of international dialogue and cooperation" met in Delhi to discuss Asia's involvement in Arctic affairs, including polar research, trade, climate change, and geopolitics. India v China for the Arctic Back in 2018, China's first Arctic Policy spoke of a mutually beneficial polar partnership that included linking its Belt Road Initiative to the Northern Sea Route to create the 'Polar Silk Route'. The resulting passageway, Beijing said, would shorten maritime travel time to Europe by 40 per cent. The longer route, in use now, sees Chinese ships sail down south, through the Malacca Strait (between the Malay Peninsula and Indonesia, a chokepoint that allows the Indian Navy to monitor maritime traffic off its coastline), across the Indian Ocean, and then back up through the Suez Canal. Since then, i.e., since articulating its Arctic Policy, China has been called itself as a 'near-Arctic state', and has sought a seat at the Arctic Council, something that is not likely to be granted. However, Beijing too was given 'observer nation' status. For China the Arctic quest is more about trade, really, than anything else. As one of the world's largest manufacturers (of pretty much everything), it needs fast and reliable distribution routes, and ships are generally cost-effective compared to planes. And the Malacca chokepoint isn't ideal, particularly if there should be military conflict with India. Faster maritime trade is a big attraction for India too. India's involvement with the Arctic dates back to 1920, when the Svalbard Treaty was signed in Paris. And today it is one of a handful of nations to have a permanent base in the Arctic. Set up in 2008 and called 'Himadri', it is in the Norwegian territory of Svalbard, roughly 1,200km from the North Pole, and has provided field and laboratory support to scientists back home. India's research base in Arctic, 'Himadri'. Photo: National Centre for Polar and Ocean Research Unlike China, India is seen as slow-playing its Arctic card, choosing to cooperate with the Council and present itself as a 'responsible stakeholder' by engaging with all sides on key issues, including, for example, research into microbial organisms and hydropower generation. India has good ties with Norway, for example, with which it has studied climate change, and also has a friendly relationship with both Russia and the United States. All this, though, could change, particularly as China steps up designs on the Arctic, which includes the tried-and-tested method of pumping billions into ' infrastructure projects. Beijing has reportedly bought real estate in Iceland, invested money in Greenland airports and bought into Russian projects, though they have been rebuffed by Norway, Sweden, and Finland. Nevertheless, this has alarmed the West, and this has given India an opportunity, a chance to be the friendly and trustworthy face in the growing list of suitors for the Arctic Circle. NDTV is now available on WhatsApp channels. Click on the link to get all the latest updates from NDTV on your chat. Share Sign up to read this article FREE! Exclusive Stories: Dive into content reserved just for members. Fewer Ads: A cleaner, more enjoyable reading experience. Enhanced Interface: Tailored just for you. Join Now – It's Free!
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Korea Herald
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Korea Herald
[Lee Jae-min] Getting it restarted: This time let's try a ‘soft approach' for real consensus building
The world is getting hotter and hotter. The Geneva-based World Meteorological Organization's report last January confirmed that 2024 was the warmest year on record. What's even more startling is that the previous 10 years (2015-2024) were the warmest decade registered. We are feeling the heat, too. The National Institute of Fisheries Science of Korea reported that the country's seawater in 2024 recorded the highest temperature (18.74 degrees Celsius) since 1968. No doubt climate change brings about grave consequences in every corner of the world. Climate change has also reached far north, triggering unexpected consequences. Melting ice and thawing glaciers in the Arctic Ocean are making the once-prohibited northern sea area accessible and navigable. Arctic shipping has been increasing. Arctic natural resources are coming within reach. Enter technology here. Satellite-enabled networks are facilitating government monitoring, regulation and enforcement. Underwater cables are being constructed as new critical infrastructure. Upgraded icebreaking and ice-strengthened vessels are joining industrial fleets. All of a sudden, large swaths of the polar seas and land bordering them begin to carry a new meaning for global commerce and national security. I think the recent Greenland debate is the latest twist in the plot. Well, the busy arctic area has its own supervising entity — the Arctic Council. It is a unique intergovernmental consultative body for the arctic area formed in 1996 by eight countries bordering the region: Norway, Canada, the United States, Russia, Denmark, Iceland, Finland and Sweden. Now, 30 years on and with global governance in chaos and multilateralism in crisis, the unique mode of business of the Arctic Council merits new attention at this juncture. I believe it offers a clue to how to initiate and carry on global discussions on "rule-setting" projects in critical sectors. Many mention a 'rules-based system' these days, but few say how to do the job — how to clarify the rules that already exist and how to adopt new ones for emerging sectors. Without operable rules at hand, a rules-based system is a hollow promise. Granted, it should be noted that the Arctic Council's future is rather uncertain at the moment. It has suffered a direct hit from the Russia-Ukraine war since February 2022. Among the Arctic Eight, seven are NATO members, and then there is Russia at the other end of the spectrum. So, meetings and projects were suspended in February 2022, some of which were only resumed in a limited fashion. Regardless of the future of the Arctic Council, the unique governance model it employs, together with the results it had achieved until the 2022 disruption, still offers a critical reference for our present endeavor to seek rule-setting in novel areas. Here are a couple of unique traits of the Arctic Council: As the name 'council' suggests, the Arctic Council aims to be a "forum" for talk and solution. Yes, a low-key approach it is. It is light and nimble — it pursues project-oriented, practical solutions for pressing matters. Contrast this with many other international organizations that are established by treaties with heavy and binding obligations. Besides, it broadly engages key stakeholders, both state and non-state actors. Thus, not only the Arctic Eight but also six groups of indigenous peoples participate in the council as permanent participants. Experts from the private sector are also brought on board, depending on the projects. And then there are other countries joining the council as observers, currently numbering 38, including China, Japan, Germany, the United Kingdom and Korea. So, different stakeholders' different voices can be heard in the forum. The flexibility, openness and inclusiveness of the arctic governance, freed from traditional tension and conventional seriousness common for matters of international concern, even coined the term 'Arctic Exceptionalism' when the Arctic Council's activities were robust before 2022. Critically, in my view, the council's hands-down, practical approach catalyzed its rule-setting projects too. It attempted to handle old rules and new rules in coordination. The existing international maritime law codified in the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea applies to the Arctic Ocean. At the same time, the harsh conditions of the polar waters also demand clarification and adjustment of the existing rules. As for new rules, the council introduced a series of "soft laws" in the form of best practices, guidelines and recommendations. Soft laws then sometimes evolved into hard laws as treaties: consider the three agreements on search and rescue (2011), oil pollution (2013) and scientific research (2017). One might call it a phased, "suite of rules" approach with various menus. Now, the experience of the Arctic Council gives us a hint at what we can do in other sectors of acute concern. The trade regime is being pushed to the limit with tariffs and retaliations with no exit in sight. The digital economy is growing by leaps and bounds while its global governance is nevertheless at an infant stage. Artificial intelligence is still the wild wild west while major countries are digging their heels in for the hegemony of the future. Some multinational corporate giants wield more influence than sovereign governments, but they slip through regulatory nets. Amid the global polycrisis, the once clear public-private divide line is becoming ever more blurry. In these novel areas, rules have a double problem — existing rules are either outdated or stale, and new rules are slow in coming. So, we are forced into a rule-vacuum dilemma. We need a breakthrough, and the first step in that direction is to initiate a "forum" for candid discussion for consensus building. Many of the current international organizations are either too rigid or legally laden to kickstart such candid discussions. For this we can borrow the Arctic Council formula mutatis mutandis in its heyday before 2022. The result-oriented, project-based, open-door schemes of the institution getting diverse stakeholders on board are exactly what we need at this juncture to talk — really talk — and garner consensus. The consensus so formed should lead to an easy milestone first — soft laws. They can then develop into hard laws. A new governance or multilateralism can go from there.
Indian Express
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
The Russia-China push in the arctic – a new strategic flashpoint
Written by Sayantan Haldar On March 12, the 14th meeting of the Arctic Council marked the conclusion of Norway's term its chair. The Arctic Council serves as the apex intergovernmental forum fostering regional cooperation and promoting governance in the Arctic region. The forum comprises eight permanent members – Canada, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden, United States, and Denmark (including Greenland and the Faroe Islands). After a tumultuous period of difficulty in keeping the Arctic Council effectively operational, Norway has passed the baton to Denmark as the new chair of the Council. While much of the history of the region's governance has boasted of 'Arctic exceptionalism' – an expression rooted in the manifest efforts to keep the region immune from geopolitical tensions, the Arctic finds itself in unprecedented times. The Russia-Ukraine war has significantly altered the geopolitical landscape in the Arctic. Since 2022, the progress of the Arctic Council as an effective forum for regional governance has been significantly hindered. Given the nature of the forum, driven by a model of unanimous consensus, minimal engagement with Russia has jeopardised its effectiveness. The accession of Finland and Sweden into NATO since the beginning of the war has exacerbated tensions within the group. At present, the Arctic Council has seven NATO member states and Russia. Given Russian sensitivities about NATO, any possibility of the group making effective progress appears increasingly difficult. US President Donald Trump's claim to seek control over the territory of Greenland has complicated matters further. Since assuming office in January 2025, Trump has maintained that American control of Greenland's territory would be essential for Washington's national security, as well as international security. Importantly, US interests in the region are not limited to matters of hard security but also remain anchored on the vast natural resources available in the region. Given the escalating strategic race for critical minerals and rare earth elements, the Arctic region is likely to emerge as an important area. Given the need for Russia to find alternatives for enhancing cooperation in the Arctic, China has emerged as a crucial partner. Chinese ambitions in the Arctic have also seen a rise. In 2014, President Xi Jinping made China's ambitions to emerge as a 'Polar Power' public. Since then, China has called itself a 'near-Arctic state', signalling a push for greater involvement in Arctic affairs. China does not have any coastal exposure to the Arctic nor does it claim control over any sovereign territory within the Arctic region. Russia-China naval cooperation in the Arctic region has, therefore, ushered in a new strategic dimension into the evolving geopolitical matrix in the region. This emerging axis must serve as a reminder to the Arctic countries of the need to sustain continued cooperation in the region. Given these evolving developments, the Arctic Council is faced with critical challenges. Arctic exceptionalism is withering. With competing interests in the region, the lack of effective governance mechanisms therein, the Arctic runs the risk of rapidly emerging as a strategic flashpoint. Notably, these developments will have severe consequences at a global scale. Growing climate concerns in the Arctic resulting in the melting of ice poses the risk of rising sea levels. The melting of Arctic ice has also opened new avenues for expanding networks of shipping routes. This is likely to result in the entry of new players and stakeholders in the region. While this provides opportunities to expand global supply chains and enhance global trade, effective governance will become a major imperative for the region. Will the potential entry of new players into the Arctic require a wider reimagining of the Arctic governance architecture? How will the Arctic governance mechanism confront the changing geopolitical calculus in the region? The Arctic Council will need to delicately balance these pressing questions. However, for this, a normative acknowledgement of withering Arctic exceptionalism will need to be a starting point. The writer is Research Assistant, Maritime Studies at Observer Research Foundation
