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Meals at 5 per plate: Atal canteens in Delhi by Dec
Meals at 5 per plate: Atal canteens in Delhi by Dec

Time of India

time4 days ago

  • Business
  • Time of India

Meals at 5 per plate: Atal canteens in Delhi by Dec

New Delhi: Delhi govt is gearing up to launch 100 Atal Canteens across the city, which will offer meals at about Rs 5 per plate. The initiative aims to provide affordable and nutritious food at 100 locations, mostly near major construction sites and slum clusters, targeting daily wage workers and the urban poor. Senior officials said that govt is planning to complete some projects by the birth date of former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Dec, in whose memory the canteens are named. In her 2025–26 Budget, chief minister Rekha Gupta, who also handles the finance portfolio, allocated Rs 100 crore to set up the canteens across the national capital. Minister Kapil Mishra said, "By the end of the year, we will be in a position to launch some canteens. We have started identifying places, and soon a report will be prepared and given to me on the areas where it can operate." You Can Also Check: Delhi AQI | Weather in Delhi | Bank Holidays in Delhi | Public Holidays in Delhi The plan, he added, is to start with 100 such canteens, with at least one in each assembly constituency. "This is a significant step toward ensuring food security for Delhi's most vulnerable populations," Mishra said, adding, "We are committed to fulfilling our manifesto promises, and under CM Rekha Gupta, we have been starting one scheme after another, and we have started the process for this too. This is one of our promises." A similar model was rolled out in Haryana in BJP's tenure four years ago, where the Atal Kisan Mazdoor Canteens were opened in agricultural mandis. These provide a simple meal of chapatis, rice, dal and vegetables for just Rs 10. While Delhi's version will operate at half the price, the exact rate is yet to be finalised. The official rollout plan is expected to be announced around the birthday of PM Modi in Sept. Earlier, during 2017-2022, the MCDs launched a similar project, Atal Aahar Yojna, but could not continue it for long. The scheme was among BJP's most touted programmes in its manifesto before the 2017 MCD polls. Under the scheme, the plan envisaged by the civic body was to offer breakfast and lunch at a subsidised rate of Rs 10 and Rs 15, respectively, at nearly 40 places in Delhi. Officials said that this time, Delhi govt is working on different models to ensure that the scheme does not face hiccups. "We are exploring if we can allow vendors to cut losses they would face on account of providing subsidised food by selling confectionery or other items," an official said. Govt would also have to support the scheme, he added. Former MP Gautam Gambhir too launched a similar initiative during his tenure, where he offered food for Rs 1 at some places in his constituency. However, that scheme, too, became non-functional after he left active politics.

Govt prepares to make MISA documents public
Govt prepares to make MISA documents public

Time of India

time6 days ago

  • Politics
  • Time of India

Govt prepares to make MISA documents public

New Delhi: You may soon be able to access several confidential documents related to the controversial Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), which was extensively used against opposition leaders and activists during the Emergency. Part of Delhi's govt's archival treasure trove, the documents are likely to be made public by the state's archives department. Sources said a proposal, along with all available MISA-related files, was sent to Delhi govt's home department for final approval. Once the process is complete, the documents will be digitised and made accessible to people. MISA was enacted by the then Congress govt, led by Indira Gandhi in 1971, to address issues of national security and internal disturbances. The provisions of the law allowing preventive detention without charge or trial were widely used against political leaders, activists, journalists, and students during the Emergency from June 26, 1975, to March 21, 1977. You Can Also Check: Delhi AQI | Weather in Delhi | Bank Holidays in Delhi | Public Holidays in Delhi Officials said the documents related to MISA were retrieved during the digitisation process of over four crore archival records — some as old as the 19th century — by the archives department. They added that these documents included the details and reports of activists and people who were arrested during the Emergency. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Apply for NRI Account Online HSBC Undo Many of the documents, along with photographs and performances that highlighted the suspension of civil liberties and democratic rights during the 21-month period, were displayed in an exhibition, titled 'Five Decades After Emergency', organised by Delhi govt to mark "Samvidhan Hatya Diwas", in Central Park of Connaught Place on June 26. Several previously unpublished documents, including detention orders for prominent political figures such as Atal Bihari Vajpayee, former Jan Sangh president Balraj Madhok, Jai Prakash Narain, and Lal Krishna Advani, were put on display. A senior Delhi govt official said that the idea behind making the documents public was to preserve and share this important chapter of India's political history. The official added that there were a large number of people interested in historical records related to the Emergency. According to the Shah Commission of inquiry, more than 35,000 people were held under preventive detention during this time. Officials said the Delhi archives are the custodian of all public records of the Govt of NCT of Delhi, available for use by bona fide research scholars and the general public. Access to its records is governed by the provisions of the Public Records Act, 1993, and the Public Records Rules, 1997, enacted by Union govt and adopted by Delhi govt. Anyone who intends to consult the records of the Delhi Archives has to register at the e-Abhilekh Portal of this department. A large number of revenue records or land and properties in Delhi, along with Bahadur Shah Zafar's trial, firmans and sanads of Shah Alam II, the revolt of 1857, land acquisition records, rare photographs of freedom fighters, and development plans and maps of the British era have been digitised, preserved, and made available to the general public through the portal.

July 9, 1985, Forty Years Ago: Emergency Threat
July 9, 1985, Forty Years Ago: Emergency Threat

Indian Express

time09-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Indian Express

July 9, 1985, Forty Years Ago: Emergency Threat

Several opposition leaders have interpreted the PM's press conference remarks about the Emergency as a threat that it might be reimposed. Leaders of the Janata Party, the BJP and the Lok Dal expressed shock at the PM's remarks and declared that they would mobilise the people against such dictatorial trends. The BJP president, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, said he was shocked to read the PM's statement that the Emergency was justified. Akalis Ignore Centre The Akali Dal (L) has ignored the Centre's overtures for talks and has said the government must 'rectify its mistakes' leading to excesses against Sikhs, if it wanted to solve the Punjab problem. The 'mistakes' would be rectified if the government accepted the party's demands to normalise the situation, Harchand Singh Longowal, party president, G S Tohra, president of the SGPC, and Parkash Singh Badal, former CM, said. Sri Lanka Talks Start The first-ever negotiations between the Sri Lankan government and the militant Tamil groups, along with the TULF, started at the Bhutanese capital of Thimphu. The talks were of a preliminary nature and held in a 'relaxed and friendly atmosphere'. They were characterised by 'mutual understanding and accommodation', a press release said. Industrial Safety Proprietors of industries termed hazardous will now face 'compulsory imprisonment' as penalty for violation of safety regulations. A decision to this effect has been taken by the Centre following recommendation of the Labour Secretaries and Labour Ministers Conference held in New Delhi recently. It has now been communicated to state governments and Union Territories.

Why Bilawal Bhutto's Masood, Hafiz extradition offer is a sham - no power, no credibility, no trust; just a desperate bluff?
Why Bilawal Bhutto's Masood, Hafiz extradition offer is a sham - no power, no credibility, no trust; just a desperate bluff?

Time of India

time06-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Time of India

Why Bilawal Bhutto's Masood, Hafiz extradition offer is a sham - no power, no credibility, no trust; just a desperate bluff?

NEW DELHI: NEW DELHI: Every time Pakistan offers a gesture of peace, it falls short on one crucial element. Trust. India has faced repeated betrayals at critical moments, from the 1947-48 invasion of Kashmir, the 1965 war after Operation Gibraltar, to Pakistan's role in the 1971 crackdown in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Thereafter came the sponsorship of insurgency in Kashmir since 1989, the 1999 Kargil War shortly after former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's Lahore visit, the 2001 Parliament attack, and the 2008 Mumbai carnage despite ongoing backchannel talks. The 2016 Pathankot airbase attack soon after Prime Minister Narendra Modi's surprise stopover in Lahore. Then came the Uri attack, the 2019 Pulwama bombing, and most recently, the April 22 Pahalgam massacre. For every olive branch, India has often found a dagger concealed behind it. Security personnel at the site following the 22 April Pahalgam terrorist attack. (PTI) At the core of these repeated provocations are Pakistan-backed terror outfits such as 's (LeT) and 's (JeM). Both remain among India's most wanted terrorists for their roles in fomenting unrest and orchestrating deadly attacks. In this context, the latest remarks by Pakistan's former foreign minister Zardari have raised eyebrows. Bhutto has claimed that Islamabad is willing to extradite Hafiz Saeed and Masood Azhar, provided India "cooperates legally." This offer stands in sharp contrast to Bhutto's earlier posture. Just days after India put the (IWT) in abeyance, a visibly rattled Bhutto issued a combative statement: "I want to tell India that the Indus is ours and will remain ours. Either water will flow in this Indus, or their blood will." Bilawal Bhutto Threatens 'Blood Will Flow' If India Stops Water to Pakistan, Gets 'Not A Drop' Rebut So what explains this sudden pivot, from incendiary rhetoric to conciliatory overtures? Is it a genuine shift in Pakistan's policy or a desperate attempt to draw India back to the negotiating table, particularly on the Indus Waters Treaty, which New Delhi suspended following the Pahalgam terror attack? And most importantly, should India take Bhutto seriously? Pakistan, which depends on the Indus river system for nearly 90 per cent of its agriculture, views the treaty as vital to its food and water security. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now As the upper riparian state, India holds significant leverage. A reduced flow could intensify economic distress and internal unrest in Pakistan. Union home minister Amit Shah, Union jal shakti minister CR Paatil have firmly stated that the central government has developed a comprehensive strategy to halt Indian river water from flowing into Pakistan. Dismissing Pakistan's loud objections over the IWT, PM Modi also made it clear that "the waters rightfully belonging to India will now serve Indian interests alone". Significance of IWT Seen in this light, Bhutto's statement appears to be a strategic move, deliberately ambiguous and easily retractable if no progress occurs. "Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has no locus standi. He is not in the cabinet, he is not part of the armed forces. Yes, his father is the president of Pakistan (Asif Ali Zardari), and that's about all. So, the Pakistani army uses people like Bilwal Bhutto to make comments which can then be retracted tomorrow," Major Gaurav Arya (Retd) told TOI. He further said: "Because the Indus Waters Treaty has been held in abeyance by India, they want to give out an olive branch to India as a token of peace or a white flag. But tomorrow, if public backlash is a little too that point in time, Pakistan can say Bilawal is not part of the government." However, acknowledging that Bilawal's statement is not entirely without significance, Major Arya said, "India should just absorb Bilawal's remark and just wait for the official statements". "If the Pakistani ministry of external affairs makes a point, then India's MEA will make a counterpoint," he added. Shehbaz Sharif Announces New Dam Projects- Will Indus Water Dispute Intensify? | Watch Ultimately, Bhutto's extradition overture appears less a policy shift and more a calculated distraction -- a diplomatic decoy aimed at reclaiming control over a narrative slipping from Islamabad's hands. With the Indus Waters Treaty in abeyance and India showing no signs of relenting, Pakistan finds itself cornered. An offer to hand over long-sheltered terrorists may sound conciliatory, but it lacks institutional weight and credibility -- especially when made by someone with no executive authority. India, hardened by decades of Islamabad's duplicity, is unlikely to be swayed by rhetoric alone. Without transparency, accountability, and an unequivocal crackdown on terror infrastructure, New Delhi has little reason to re-engage.

8 years of GST: Journey of reform, resilience, renewal
8 years of GST: Journey of reform, resilience, renewal

Hindustan Times

time01-07-2025

  • Business
  • Hindustan Times

8 years of GST: Journey of reform, resilience, renewal

Reform is not a one-time event, but a continuous process. This adage best explains the journey of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) in India. On the midnight of July 1, 2017, India witnessed a tectonic shift in its fiscal architecture with the launch of GST. On the midnight of July 1, 2017, India witnessed a tectonic shift in its fiscal architecture with the launch of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) in India. Marketed as 'One Nation, One Tax', GST aimed to subsume a labyrinth of central and state levies into a unified, destination-based tax. Eight years on, the reform has matured from a disruptive overhaul to a stabilising force in India's indirect tax regime. As we reflect on this transformative period, it becomes imperative to examine the early hurdles, the mechanisms that addressed them, the current state of compliance assurance, and the road ahead. The idea of a unified goods and services tax was first mooted in 2000 by the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government. It took 17 years of political negotiation, constitutional amendments, and consensus-building to bring it to fruition. The 101st Constitutional Amendment Act laid the legal foundation, while the GST Council, an embodiment of cooperative federalism, became the nerve centre for rate rationalisation and policy calibration. Complexity in simplicity Despite its promise of simplification, GST's rollout was riddled with challenges. The Goods and Services Tax Network (GSTN), the digital backbone of the regime, struggled to handle the surge in return filings. Frequent downtimes and system crashes frustrated taxpayers, particularly during peak deadlines. The original return-filing structure (GSTR-1, 2, 3) proved too complex and was quickly replaced by the simplified GSTR-1 and GSTR-3B. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) found it difficult to adapt to digital compliance, invoice matching, and input tax credit (ITC) reconciliation. The presence of five major tax slabs — 0%, 5%, 12%, 18%, and 28% — led to classification disputes and undermined the goal of a simplified tax structure. States were apprehensive about revenue loss and autonomy. The compensation mechanism, funded through a cess on sin and luxury goods, was introduced to allay these concerns. Adaptive governance The GST Council, with a total 55 meetings to date, has demonstrated remarkable agility in responding to stakeholder feedback. Key reforms include: i) The introduction of the quarterly returns with monthly payment (QRMP) scheme for small taxpayers, reducing filing frequency while maintaining revenue flow; ii) E-invoicing mandates for large businesses, enhancing invoice authenticity and curbing fake ITC claims; iii) Launch of GSTR-2B, a static ITC statement, which brought predictability to credit claims; iv) Automated return scrutiny and AI-driven analytics, enabling risk-based audits and reducing human interface; and v) E-way bill system and the upcoming Invoice Management System (IMS) have streamlined logistics and compliance. These interventions reflect a shift from rule-based enforcement to data-driven compliance assurance. Maturing ecosystem As of FY 2024–25, GST collections have consistently crossed ₹ 1.6 lakh crore a month, with May 2025 touching ₹ 2.01 lakh crore — a record high. Return filing rates have improved, and the GSTN infrastructure has stabilised. The integration of GST data with income tax and customs databases has enabled better triangulation and reduced evasion. The compliance ecosystem has matured, with most businesses adapting to digital workflows. The long-awaited GST Appellate Tribunal will be finally operational soon, addressing a critical gap in dispute resolution. Reform to refinement Despite the progress, challenges persist. The multiplicity of slabs continues to create confusion. A merger of the 12% and 18% rates, as recommended by the group of ministers, remains pending. Sectors like textiles and footwear still face refund backlogs due to input-output rate mismatches. Frequent rule changes and notifications, though well-intentioned, often overwhelm taxpayers. Smaller businesses in rural areas still struggle with digital literacy and infrastructure. With the compensation cess set to expire in March 2026, the government must explore alternatives, such as merging cess into base GST rates and raising the present cap of maximum 40% or introducing targeted levies like a health or clean energy cess — to maintain fiscal neutrality. Way forward: GST 2.0 To fulfil its promise, GST must now evolve from a compliance framework to a facilitative ecosystem. Simplifying rate structure to reduce disputes and improve ease of doing business. Enhancing taxpayer services through pre-filled returns, real-time dashboards, and multilingual support. Institutionalising capacity building for tax officers and taxpayers alike, particularly in tier-2 and tier-3 cities. Strengthening dispute resolution through faster appellate processes and mediation mechanisms. Leveraging technology not just for enforcement, but for predictive analytics, fraud prevention, and policy design. Eight years into its journey, GST stands as a testament to India's ability to undertake complex structural reforms through consensus and iteration. It has unified the national market, improved tax buoyancy, and fostered a culture of compliance. Yet, it remains a reform in motion — demanding continuous refinement, stakeholder engagement, and political will. As India aspires to become a $5 trillion economy, a robust, transparent, and taxpayer-friendly GST regime will be indispensable. The next chapter must focus not just on plugging gaps, but on unlocking potential. Baljit Singh Khara (HT Photo) The writer is a former Indian Revenue Service officer. Views expressed are personal.

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