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Time of India
23-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Time of India
Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti 2025: Date, school holiday, biography, contributions & best birthday wishes
Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti 2025: Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti 2025 will be celebrated on 26th May 2025, which falls on a Monday. It marks the birth anniversary of Kazi Nazrul Islam. He was a famous Bengali poet, musician, and freedom fighter. This day is a public holiday in Tripura. It is celebrated with joy in West Bengal, Tripura, and Bangladesh. When is Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti 2025? Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti celebrates the birth of Kazi Nazrul Islam. He is famously known as the "Rebel Poet." He was born on 24th May 1899 in Churulia, British India (now in West Bengal). Nazrul was a well-known poet, musician, and freedom fighter. His work inspired people during the fight for independence from British rule. He wrote boldly against social injustice, religious hatred, and gender inequality. He is deeply respected in Bengali literature and culture. Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti School Holiday 2025 In 2025, Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti is a public holiday in Tripura. Schools in the region will stay closed on this day. The holiday gives students and people a chance to take part in cultural programs. Biography of Kazi Nazrul Islam Kazi Nazrul Islam was born into a Bengali Muslim family. He showed interest in the arts from a young age while working with a rural theatre group. He later joined the British Indian Army during World War I. After the war, he became a journalist in Kolkata. There, his nationalist and revolutionary thoughts grew stronger. Nazrul was famous for his fiery poems and songs. He wrote nearly 4,000 songs, known as 'Nazrul Geeti.' These songs are still loved by Bengali-speaking people. Sadly, Nazrul suffered from Pick's disease, a rare brain disorder. His health slowly declined, and he became isolated. In 1972, he moved to Bangladesh. There, he was honoured as the national poet. He passed away in 1976. Famous Contributions of Kazi Nazrul Islam to Bengali Literature Nazrul's poetry was different from traditional Bengali writing. He wrote about freedom, love, equality, and justice. He composed thousands of songs. These songs still influence Bengali music and culture today. Nazrul stood against all kinds of oppression and hate. He supported peace between communities and spoke up for women's rights. His powerful words inspired the fight for freedom in both India and Bangladesh. How is Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti Celebrated? The day is celebrated with cultural programs, poetry recitations, and musical performances. Seminars are also held to highlight Nazrul's life and work. Schools, colleges, and cultural groups organise events. These events honour his role in literature and social change. Best Birthday Wishes for Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti 2025 'Happy Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti 2025! May the spirit of the Rebel Poet inspire us to fight for justice, equality, and freedom every day.' 'On this special day, let's remember the fearless voice of Kazi Nazrul Islam who taught us to stand against oppression. Happy Nazrul Jayanti!' 'Wishing you a meaningful Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti! May his poetry and songs continue to enlighten and empower generations.' 'Happy Birthday to the poet of revolution and love! Kazi Nazrul Islam's legacy will forever inspire us to rise above hatred and injustice.' 'Celebrate the birth anniversary of the great Kazi Nazrul Islam by embracing his message of unity and courage. Happy Nazrul Jayanti 2025!' 'May the fearless words of Kazi Nazrul Islam ignite the flame of hope and change in our hearts. Wishing you a joyful Nazrul Jayanti!' 'Remembering the poet who gave voice to the voiceless. Happy Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti! Let's keep his revolutionary spirit alive.' 'On Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti, let's honor the legacy of a true visionary who fought for freedom with pen and music. Happy Birthday!' 'Wishing everyone a blessed Kazi Nazrul Islam Jayanti 2025! May his teachings inspire peace, harmony, and courage in our lives.' 'Happy Nazrul Jayanti! May the immortal words of Kazi Nazrul Islam continue to guide us towards justice and equality.' Why is Kazi Nazrul Islam Called the Rebel Poet? Kazi Nazrul Islam is known as the "Rebel Poet." His poetry was bold and fearless. He strongly opposed British rule and social injustice. His famous poem Bidrohi ("The Rebel") expresses his defiance against tyranny. It shows his strong spirit to fight for freedom and equality. Nazrul's writings also spoke out against religious hatred and caste discrimination. He stood for unity and justice. His activism went beyond poetry. He took part in protests and was even imprisoned for his views. This made him a true symbol of rebellion and human dignity. For more informative articles on historical and upcoming events from around the world, please visit Indiatimes Events.
Time of India
08-05-2025
- Business
- Time of India
'Full-scale war between India, Pakistan unlikely'
LUCKNOW: Amid growing discussion about the chances of a retaliation by Pakistan after India's Operation Sindoor , noted political commentator and futurist Vimal Singh has said that a full-scale war between the two countries was highly unlikely. Congratulations! You have successfully cast your vote Login to view result 'Those expecting a conventional military response from Pakistan are mistaken,' Singh said, adding that while border skirmishes or proxy actions may flare up, a large-scale conflict is highly improbable. He cited Pakistan's fragile internal stability and shifting global alignments. 'China, once Pakistan's strategic patron, is under economic stress due to Trump tariffs and is now eager to exit costly regional entanglements," Singh observed, adding 'Pakistan knows this is not the 20th century. In today's world, wars are won through perception, economy, and staying in power, not just pride.' Singh also highlighted a crucial psychological shift unfolding in Kashmir. He said that the recent terror attack in Pahalgam that killed 26 civilians triggered outrage — not support. 'Even separatist sympathizers are rethinking. Youth and women now view terrorism less as ideology and more as a threat to livelihood,' he said. He also explained the significance of naming of Operation Sindoor. 'In Indian tradition, sindoor symbolizes protection of family and home. Naming the strike Operation Sindoor sends a powerful cultural message—India is protecting its own.' He added that vermillion red, associated with strength and warning, signals India's resolve to draw firm red lines without flinching. Beyond Kashmir, Operation Sindoor would create ripple effects, he said. "In Bengal, people are already grappling with an economic downturn and political fatigue .The state's historic flirtation with disruptive ideologies — from Communism to extreme populism — is losing steam. The average Bengali Muslim, once courted by parties like the TMC and CPM, is reportedly yearning for stability and governance, not identity politics. They want a govt that is stable," he added. "Bihar, too, is feeling the tremors. Opposition parties like RJD are facing a strategic dilemma — how to protect their core vote bank without appearing out of step with national security sentiments. Nitish Kumar's 'fading political act' is entering its final stretch, and the question now is whether RJD can reposition itself without alienating core Muslim voters who themselves are reassessing old loyalties," he said.
Indian Express
02-05-2025
- General
- Indian Express
‘Fire tenders were late…left with nothing': After fire, migrants in Gurgaon slum begin rebuilding homes
Their temporary houses in a new city they had been calling home for the last three years stand singed. But with no hope of government help, residents of the slums in Gurgaon's Sector 103, where a fire broke out on Wednesday and gutted over 40 jhuggis (slum hutments), have begun rebuilding their homes – but not without complaints. Mizanur Islam, 35, whose daughter is unwell with a brain tumour, said the fire tenders were delayed. 'They came an hour late,' he said. The fire burnt the expensive medicines Islam had purchased for his daughter after saving Rs 12,000 a month. 'She has a brain tumour. It was for her that we moved here. Now we have to return to giving her local medicine, and are left with nothing. We have no hope of relief from anyone, especially the government,' he said. 'We will have to pay back the contractor for the new houses, he will cut from our pay,' Islam said, placing a bamboo pole in the ground. A plastic sheet will be wrapped over the poles. It was at around 3 am on Wednesday that the fire broke out in the slums, largely housing Bengali Muslim migrants, next to Delhi Public School (Dwarka Expressway). Firemen reached after receiving an alert at 3.50 am, and the blaze was extinguished by 7 am. 'Around 40 jhuggis and loads of garbage got destroyed. We managed to save over 100 more from being burned. Ten fire tenders were requisitioned, mostly from Bhim Nagar Station and others from Manesar and Pataudi stations; hence, the fire was brought under control swiftly,' Fire Safety Officer Narender Yadav claimed. No injuries or deaths were reported. The slum's residents, all garbage pickers and cleaners for the societies around them, say they are from Assam's South-Salmara Mankachar district. 'We were sleeping when the fire started. Nothing in our home survived,' Khalid Ali, 17, said, playing with other kids. The fire spread quickly through the densely packed shanties, and its exact cause is not yet known, fire officials said. Meanwhile, the smouldering embers at the Bandhwari landfill in the Gurgaon-Faridabad border are expected to be fully extinguished on Friday. 'Two fire tenders will be stationed there permanently this week, till the smoke goes. And one tender permanently thereafter,' Jai Narayan, Fire Safety Officer, said.
Asia Times
21-04-2025
- Politics
- Asia Times
Justice remains elusive for Hasina killing machine's victims
Alliance for Witness Transparency, a US-based human rights organization, has published a series of interviews with individuals coerced by Hasina into giving false testimonies against top opposition leaders handed out life sentences by Hasina's judiciary. 'I hope he forgives me. Can God forgive someone whom only a human being has the right to forgive?' a teary-eyed poverty-stricken old Bengali Muslim man in the Northwestern Bangladeshi district of Rangpur, a couple of hundred kilometers far from the capital city of Dhaka, said, speaking in a local Bengali dialect. The man's name is Mokbul Hossain. During the 1971 civil war in former East Pakistan, Mokbul saw his mother mortally wounded by Pakistani military men as the mother and son were fleeing to safety. He had to leave his dying mother behind. They had fled to escape the wrath of the army unleashed on the Bengali-Muslim-majority East Pakistan by West Pakistan's secularist, pro-Soviet leader Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Bhutto dreaded the idea that military ruler Yahya Khan would transfer power to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a Bengali Muslim bagging the 1970 general elections, as Bhutto himself wanted to be the premier, notwithstanding the election results. Almost five decades after the civil war that led to the formation of Bangladesh from the ashes of East Pakistan, the Bangladeshi government contacted Mokbul and asked him to testify in his mother's murder trial. The accused was not a member of the Pakistani army, as the killer had been, but a key opposition Bengali Muslim leader combatting Hasina's increasingly authoritarian turn – so much so that she would need a bloody revolution in 2024 to oust her after she removed all democratic means to depose her. Mokbul had no say in who had to take responsibility for his mother's death. He could only testify against this politician by the name of A T M Azharul Islam, the then Secretary General (Acting) of the country's second-largest opposition party, Jamaat-e-Islami. Mokbul's hands were tied. He did not witness the involvement of Azhar or any Bengali man in his mother's brutal death, but Hasina's forces in uniform chased him down and terrorized him into testifying that the young Mokbul saw Azhar present alongside the army during the incident. In addition, Hasina had Mokbul testify that Azhar was involved in a mass killing in Dhappara, Rangpur. Based on Mokbul's testimony, in 2014 a court that Hasina had set up in Dhaka to try whomever she labeled collaborators of the Pakistan army pronounced Azhar to death. After that, Azhar languished in a death row cell in Bangladesh's horrifying prison system. Now, although Hasina is gone, Azhar remains imprisoned. Azhar is lucky, however, to survive the Hasina regime. Hasina executed six of his colleagues – all top leaders from the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party and its ally Jamaat – between 2013 and 2016. Several others died in prison. After Hasina fled to India – her prime backer in consolidating and retaining her authoritarian regime – on August 5, 2024, following the student-led July Revolution, Mokbul appeared on camera and recalled his experience of being forced by Hasina to be a party to the misery of a man he considers innocent. Deeply suffering from moral and spiritual crises, Mokbul now seeks redemption – for both himself and the man his testimony almost sent to the gallows. Others have come out and recalled to the public how Hasina instrumentalized their grievances into unjustly murdering – or attempting to murder – opposition politicians. Alliance for Witness Transparency (AWT), a US-based rights group, has so far interviewed five individuals, including Mokbul. Ainul Haque, the first person interviewed by AWT, was hanging out at a local tea stall when he was picked up by Hasina's police officers and then forced to testify against Matiur Rahman Nizami, the then-chief of Jamaat, in a war crimes case. Nizami was later executed based on Ainul's testimony. Ainul now claims that he barely knew Nizami back in 1971 and he did not witness Nizami involved in the events in which Hasina implicated Nizami but had to falsify his testimony due to the pressure from the state. Mahtab Hawlader and Altaf Hawlader told AWT that they were targeted by Hasina's police to put another senior opposition leader with Jamaat, Delwar Hossain Sayedee, to death. Sanaullah, a police officer, held the Hawladers at gunpoint and threatened to dispose of them in the Buriganga River if they refused to testify against Sayedee, a wildly popular preacher and two-time member of the parliament. Training the Howladers in what to tell the court were state minister Kamrul Islam, former top leader of Bangladesh's most influential communist student body Golam Arif Tipu; prosecutor and Hindu communal leader Rana Dasgupta; and prosecutor-turned-politician Barrister Sumon, the duo told AWT. As if forcing them to lie were not enough, the top judge of the court, Nasim, assured the Howladers that they should not worry about lying since he was in charge of sending Sayedee to the gallows. The Howladers' testimony made Sayedee out to be complicit in rape, murder and persecution of the Hindu minority during the 1971 civil war. That triggered Sayedee's death sentence, later commuted to life imprisonment following country-wide protests condemning the death sentence. Hasina had over a hundred pro-justice protesters massacred, prompting the opposition leader Khaleda Zia to term the brutality a genocide. The irony of the matter is that Hasina's judges did not need to coerce these individuals to perjure themselves in the first place. Such was the law under which these trials were conducted that individuals could have been convicted based on unsubstantiated news reports and dominant caricatures of these individuals masquerading as 'facts of common knowledge.'In other words, this court was a specifically designed killing machine. From the tragedy arise the stories of Prodip Kumar Dev and Sukhranjan Bali, two Bengali Hindu men who dared to speak truth to India and its lackey Hasina. While Bali's story has attracted the attention of rights groups, Dev's story has recently been made available to the public by AWT. In his interview with AWT, Dev tells a story of state-sponsored kidnapping, coercion and illicit offers (of a million Bangladeshi taka, approximately US$8,500), all of which he defied on the day of his testimony against Nizami. Although Hasina presented Dev as a witness against Nizami's alleged war crimes, Dev informed the court that he had no knowledge of Nizami's wrongdoing, thereby forcing Hasina to declare Dev a hostile witness. Although Dev's heroic efforts could not help Nizami, the leader of the country's largest Islamist outfit, escape the death penalty, his standing up against the oppressive state shattered the Indian narrative that Hasina was the friend of the Hindu and the likes of Nizami, the enemy. Dev's bravery can be better appreciated when we look at Bali's experience and understand what Dev was up against. Hasina charged Sayedee for the murder of Bali's brother during the civil war and enlisted Bali as a witness to the incident. When Bali refused to play ball and, instead, offered to be a witness to Sayedee's innocence, Hasina had him picked up in front of the courthouse. Bali was later found in an Indian prison, underscoring India's complicity in judicial killings of politicians critical of Indian hegemony in South Asia and enforced disappearances in Bangladesh. A committee set up by the interim government of Nobel laureate Yunus to investigate the allegations of enforcement disappearances during Hasina's rule has found over 3,500 cases of enforced disappearances. India was involved in many of them. Even nearly a year after Hasina's ouster, Azhar remains in prison. Those who were executed through this judicial killing machine still remain the villains in the dominant narrative, as well as on paper. The reason for this is that the India-sponsored nationalist history of Bangladesh has made the 1971 civil war a sensitive issue. Anyone perceived to have supported Pakistan during the civil war is automatically rendered a war criminal. On the other hand, Bangladesh has given blanket immunity to pro-India forces for their crimes committed between March 1, 1971 and February 28, 1972. The indemnity order, put into effect by Hasina's father in 1973, prevents prosecution of the non-Bengali genocide and other crimes against humanity that pro-India forces in East Pakistan engaged in before, during and after the war that lasted from March 25, 1971, until December 16 the same year. The famous Anthony Mascarenhas report on the atrocities of the Pakistani army, dubbed by BBC 'one of the most influential pieces of South Asian journalism' after it was published in The Sunday Times, tilted global public opinion against Pakistan during the civil war. The same report claimed that anti-Pakistan forces had initiated the Bihari genocide much before the Pakistan army's 'counter-genocide' began and massacred hundreds of thousands Biharis within a few weeks. Amnesty International called for bringing to justice everyone who violated human rights during the war irrespective of their allegiance. But pro-India forces in Bangladesh responded heavily to this demand and claimed that only Pakistan was responsible for war crimes in 1971. Although India's proxy Hasina was ousted in the July Revolution, justice for Azhar and non-Bengali victims of the long civil war, be they Bihari or Chakma, us still denied because the hegemonic Indian narrative cannot see beyond the 'good India, bad Bangladesh' dichotomy. Insofar as Azhar and other victims of the continued battle over the war's narrative are categorized as pro-Pakistani, it is difficult for any Bangladeshi government to deliver justice to them lest the pro-India forces wreak havoc in the country. Md Ashraf Aziz Ishrak Fahim has a first degree in International Relations and Global Affairs from Mahidol University, Thailand, and an MA in Social and Political Thought from the University of Leeds, UK. He is currently a graduate student of Contemporary Islamic Studies at Hamad Bin Khalifa University in Qatar. He can be reached at mdfa48907@
