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News18
4 days ago
- Politics
- News18
Operation Blue Star: Why Bhindranwale's Sons Chose To Stay Away From Their Father's Footsteps
Last Updated: To ensure a stable future for her children, Pritam Kaur likely urged her sons to avoid involvement in violent activities and choose a peaceful path On June 6, the anniversary of Operation Blue Star is observed. This military operation, carried out by the Indian Army at Amritsar's Golden Temple, aimed to remove pro-Khalistan leader Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his armed supporters. Bhindranwale was killed during the operation. Since then, his family has distanced itself from the Khalistan movement he once led. Bhindranwale had a profound influence on the Sikh community, particularly among the rural youth of Punjab. His fiery speeches, dedication to Sikhism, and vocal opposition to the central government earned him a mythical status. Many of his supporters found it hard to believe that such a formidable leader could be killed so easily. Bhindranwale's family included his wife, Bibi Pritam Kaur, and two sons, Ishar Singh and Inderjit Singh. After Operation Blue Star, their lives were greatly affected. Neither his wife nor his sons continued the path of the Sikh movement. Instead, they distanced themselves from it, despite Bhindranwale's status as a religious leader. Bhindranwale's Wife Led A Simple Life Pritam Kaur led a simple life in their native village of Rode Faridkot. Although some sections of the Sikh community respected the family for Bhindranwale's martyr-like image, she never publicly supported the Khalistan movement. Most of her time was devoted to raising her children and farming. She passed away on September 15, 2007 after a prolonged illness. His Sons Distanced Themselves From Religious Path Both of Bhindranwale's sons also kept a low profile. The elder son, Ishar Singh, born in 1971, did not engage in religious or political activities like his father. He lived a quiet life focused on farming in his village until he died in a road accident in 2008. The younger son, Inderjit Singh, also avoided the limelight and continued farming in Punjab with his family, never attempting to revive his father's movement. Punjab's Political And Social Landscape After Operation Blue Star Following Operation Blue Star in 1984, Punjab experienced a period of widespread unrest and violence. Many Sikh families suffered due to the conflict between Sikh militants and government forces. During this tumultuous time, Ishar Singh and Inderjit Singh were very young. Their mother endeavoured to shield them from the violent environment, knowing that involvement in the Khalistan movement would invite further danger. How Bhindranwale's Wife Raised Her Sons In the years after the operation, Pritam Kaur aimed to provide her sons with a normal life. She likely kept them away from the Khalistan movement to protect them from the violence and controversy associated with it. Both sons prioritised farming and family responsibilities over political or religious activism, possibly having learned from their father's death and the tragedies of Operation Blue Star. Bhindranwale's family remained under strict surveillance by government and intelligence agencies. Had his sons chosen to follow their father's path, they would have faced immediate targeting. Additionally, not all Sikhs supported the Khalistan movement, with mainstream Sikh organisations like the Shiromani Akali Dal advocating for peace. This lack of broad support, coupled with government surveillance, made it prudent for the sons to remain neutral. Risk Of Bearing Father's Legacy Bhindranwale's image as a martyr and militant leader within the Sikh community was also controversial. Continuing his legacy would have been fraught with risks. Faced with the dual pressures from Khalistan supporters who viewed their father as a hero and the non-Sikh community who associated him with militancy, the sons chose to avoid controversy. In efforts to secure a stable future for her children, Pritam Kaur likely encouraged her sons to stay away from violent activities. During the 1980s and 1990s, the havoc wreaked by militancy and military action in Punjab led many Sikh families to steer their children away from violence. Bhindranwale's family was no exception, seeking to ensure a safe and stable future for the next generation. First Published: June 06, 2025, 17:33 IST
India Today
06-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
THE LOWDOWN: What was Operation Bluestar? Did Army walk into a trap?
The news: Responding to a Sikh man's question on Operation Bluestar and the 1984 riots, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi acknowledged his party's "past mistakes". "A lot of those (mistakes) happened when I was not there, but I am more than happy to take responsibility for everything the Congress party has ever done wrong in its history," he said during an interaction at the Brown University in the Bluestar: A brief history Since the beginning of the 1980s, Punjab was burning with the ferocious intensity of Sikh extremism. One of their leaders, Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, the wiry, hawk-eyed jathedar of the Damdami Taksal who always carried a silver arrow, had taken refuge in the Golden Temple with his armed followers. From the sacred precincts of the shrine, they had unleashed a reign of terror, killing with impunity and receding into the safety of its sacred corridors. May 28, 1984, New DelhiEarly in the morning, the Governor of Punjab, BD Pandey, received an urgent summons to a meeting in New Delhi. On entering the cabinet secretary's room, he saw RN Kao, a former chief of India's Research and Analysis Wing, and PC Alexander, principal secretary to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and a member of the Punjab think two bureaucrats briefed Pandey about the escalating turmoil in Punjab. They said credible intelligence from the Russians indicated Khalistan, an independent state, could be proclaimed as early as June 7 from the Golden Temple and various other gurdwaras, followed by the massacre of Hindus and all Congress members of Parliament and the state's legislative assessment of the situation was different. He believed some Hindu hardliners and the press were building a false narrative. "I listened somewhat spellbound, as I could not believe that she would go to such lengths," he was to recall later in his memoir, In The Service Of Free 27-28, 1984, MeerutMajor-General Kuldeep Singh 'Bulbul' Brar, commander of the 9th Division based in Meerut, a north Indian town known for the historic 1857 mutiny by sepoys against the British, was packing his bags for a honeymoon in Manila when he was summoned to Delhi a day before his following morning, he flew to Chandimandir, the headquarters of the western command of the Indian Army, where he was informed that his leave had been cancelled. He was to lead the operation to cleanse the Golden Temple of Bhindranwale and his men, who had turned the shrine into a fortified number of armed men inside the temple was estimated to be anywhere between 200 and 1,000. The information regarding the weapons was similarly inconsistent in terms of quantity, efficacy, and range. Those who underestimated Bhindranwale's arsenal reported just a few machine guns and automatic rifles. They claimed Bhindranwale's half-trained Nihangs mostly wielded 303 rifles, kirpans, sticks, and country-made grenades assembled within the temple premises.A nasty surprise was waiting for Brar. Unknown to him, the Sikhs, led by retired Major-General Shabeg Singh, a war hero and Brar's trainer, had raised an army of at least 2000 fighters armed with medium and light machine guns, automatic rifles, and even rocket-propelled grenade launchers that could destroy armoured June 2, 1984, New DelhiThe scheduled programme on Doordarshan, the state-controlled TV network, and radio stations was abruptly interrupted by a surprising announcement: Prime Minister Indira Gandhi would address the nation at 8:30 8:30 pm, almost all of India gathered around their radio and TV sets to hear the commanding and authoritative voice of the Indian Prime Minister, referred to by many as the 'only male in her cabinet.'But there was an anti-climax. The PM did not appear at the appointed hour; the TV screens turned days before Indira Gandhi was set to address the nation, the 'dictator' of the Akali Morcha, Sant HS Longowal, Bhindranwale's rival, declared that he would not permit the transportation of grains from Punjab outside the and other Akali leaders had been holding regular talks with the government on their demand for more water for Punjab and the transfer of Chandigarh to the state. Their charter of demands also included the status of a sacred place to Amritsar, which would have led to a ban on alcohol and tobacco in the city, live telecast of Gurbani from the Golden Temple, and permission to carry kirpans on 2, 1984, New Delhi9:15 PMIndira Gandhi finally addressed the nation in a resolute tone devoid of emotion. She appealed to the Akalis to call off their movement and accept a peaceful resolution of their problems. Indira Gandhi pointed out that Bhindranwale was now in complete control of Akali politics, and his violent methods had shut out the option of dialogue. The government, she said in an ice-cold voice, would not allow the reign of terror in argued that all of India was watching Punjab with a lot of concern. Before ending her address with the statutory 'Jai Hind,' she exhorted everyone to join hands to heal wounds. 'Don't shed blood; shed hatred.'A few minutes after her televised address, the state-controlled radio announced the army had been asked to help the civil administration in 3, 1984, AmritsarJune 3 was the martyrdom day of Guru Arjan Dev. At least 10,000 people were in the Golden Temple that day. These included regular pilgrims and Akali Dal workers planning to court arrest as part of the demands raised by their 8 pm, pandemonium broke out in the Golden Temple after the district administration imposed a 36-hour curfew in Amritsar and the army started circling the temple. Devotees queuing up outside the Darshani Deorhi, the arched gateway to the Harmandar Sahib, started running towards the exit gates. Families from adjoining villages packed up in a hurry and 4, 1984, AmritsarAt 10 am, Bhindranwale's war council met in his first-floor room of the Akal Takht–the highest seat of the Sikhs. Ruling out a meek surrender, Bhindranwale exhorted his followers to resist the army for as long as possible. He mocked 'Bibi (Indira Gandhi)' and said nobody had the courage to take on the Sikh followers were convinced thousands of people would surround Amritsar within hours of hearing of the army action. Once this happens, the government will have no option but to call off the Singh had positioned his men in every corner of the shrine with deadly guns. Their positions were fortified with bunkers and pillboxes on high-rise buildings and water tanks. The Sikhs had dug holes in the marble floor of the Golden Temple, placing their machine guns just a few inches above the ground to cut down the Indian army, aware they would try to crawl 5, 1984, AmritsarAround 8 pm, a column of the Indian army turned left from the Kotwali police station, around 400 metres from the Golden Temple, and advanced menacingly towards the square in front of the Ghanta Ghar entrance. Leading the convoy were three Vijayanta tanks of the 16th cavalry and four BMPs (Boyevaya Mashina Pekhoty fighting machines) of the mechanised infantry. 'Operation Bluestar', named after a refrigerator brand, had initial gunfight led to heavy casualties, with the army failing to breach the Sikh defensive positions. Caught in man-to-man combat in the temple's corridors and its labyrinthine tunnels, the army failed to reach the Akal Takht, where Bhindranwale and his top men were holed 3 AM, confronted by relentless firing causing significant losses and concerned about the repercussions of a battle under the sun's light, Brar sought permission to deploy tanks into the Golden Temple courtyard. The objective was to dismantle the concrete fortifications enclosing the Akal Takht before it became too late, even if it meant the destruction of the ancient seat of the temporal power of the an operation that lasted till dawn, the army finally managed to take control of the Golden Temple, killing most of the armed Sikhs, including Bhindranwale. The Akal Takht and its adjoining buildings suffered heavy damage from tanks and guns that fired several hundred many people were killed? The official tally of the dead was 492 civilians and 83 soldiers–total 575. But Sikh organisations claim the number was in excess of 2000. These included civilians, Sikh militants and army there a rebellion in Punjab's villages?While Brar's men surrounded the Golden Temple, the army went from village to village, looking for signs of trouble. The police carried out surprise raids, taking several people into preventive custody. While Bhindranwale waited for an uprising in Punjab, the government preempted it with swift and heavy mobilisation. Simultaneously, all channels of communication were cut off—the TV sets were blank as there was no power, the All India Radio didn't report anything on Punjab, and newspapers were not allowed to be circulated. Huddled inside their homes, isolated from the world, Punjab boiled with tension and rumours. But the feared mutiny never took did Indira Gandhi send the Army into the temple?As mentioned earlier, her government believed the Sikhs were ready to stop the supply of grains to the rest of the country, leading to acute shortage. In addition, there was fear of mass killings of Hindus and politicians, leading to anarchy and addition, the government had received intelligence that Bhindranwale was to announce Khalistan, a separate land for the Sikhs. This was to be followed by Pakistan's recognition of Khalistan, and military support to these fears justified?Many analysts argue these reports were exaggerated and part of Indira Gandhi's justification for Operation there were indeed incidents of mass protests in the run up to June 5. A few months ago, when the police laid siege to a gurdwara in Moga to flush out armed supporters of Khalistan, priests and villagers threatened to march towards the shrine and form a protective ring. The siege had to be Khalistan to be announced on radio?Nobody knows for certain. But there were rumours that General Zia ul Haq, Pakistan's President, had sent a radio with a direct line to him to Bhindranwale for the announcement. The speculation was never Singh Ramoowalia, a senior Akali leader and former minister in the Punjab government, disclosed in an interview years later that two individuals approached the hostel room where he had sought refuge with Longowal and GS Tohra, senior Akali leader, during the crisis. Carrying a box with them, they urgently implored Longowal and Tohra to announce the establishment of an independent Sikh nation. However, the two Akali Sikhs baulked at the proposal and instructed the visitors to convey their request to Bhindranwale. The visitors, of course, never managed to breach the army cordon to reach Bhindranwale's Operation Bluestar a mistake?History is complicated. It demands action in the present but analysis in the future. Perhaps Indira Gandhi had solid reasons to act for the safety and integrity of India. Maybe her decision was inspired by electoral losses just before Op Bluestar, which may have made her insecure. Her critics argue Indira Gandhi wanted to re-establish herself as an 'iron lady' and the protector of Hindus, who were living in the shadow of terror in the Army into the Golden Temple at short notice, that too when hundreds of pilgrims had gathered on Guru Arjan Dev's martyrdom day, was a huge tactical Army entered the shrine without proper intel or assessment of the Sikh firepower. In the panic to salvage the situation before it spun out of hand–and led to an uprising–it resorted to the use of tanks and armoured vehicles. These mistakes caused heavy damage to the sacred shrine, and led to a huge outrage among the Sikhs.A few years later, terrorists again took sanctuary in the Golden Temple. Rajiv Gandhi ordered another operation–called Black Thunder–to flush them out. But, this time, security forces laid siege to the shrine, cutting off supply lines, power, food and water to the holed up Sikhs. Because of the successful blockade, more than 200 terrorists were captured without the need for an armed invasion of the Golden Indira Gandhi and her advisors had shown similar acumen and patience, the history of Punjab and Sikhs could have been Rahul Gandhi may not have been apologising for the mistakes of the past.(Sandipan Sharma is the author of 'Terror In The Golden Temple', a historical fiction inspired by Operation Blue Star)Must Watch
Hindustan Times
28-04-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Op Black Thunder-1: Power of persistent persuasion
April 29, 1986, was a defining day in the volcanic decade of the '80s in Punjab. After the death of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, a five-member Panthic Committee, an underground militants' executive body, was formed by the Sarbat Khalsa in 1986. On April 29 that year, this committee held a press conference in the Golden Temple precincts, and proclaimed the formation of a sovereign state of Khalistan. The committee notified the formation of its armed force – the Khalistan Commando Force – for Sikh struggle. It appealed to the United Nations and foreign countries to recognise the new state. Bhindranwale had refrained from recognising Khalistan. For, he was conscious that it had no popular base among Sikhs. However, he did say that the foundation of Khalistan would be laid the day the state defiled the sanctity of the temple (by ordering security forces into it). Two years after Operation Bluestar in June 1984, the Panthic Committee's declaration was to carry Bhindranwale's pronouncement forward. The administration was oblivious of the declaration, till the media flashed the news. The first response of the government was disbelief. I was deputy commissioner of Amritsar. Chief secretary PH Vaishnav quizzed me, 'Have you understood what the chief minister wants?' I responded, 'Yes sir, no entry into the temple.' He added, 'Double your chase outside, these guys cannot disappear into thin air.' The entry of troops into the temple complex would have been viewed by the Panth as then chief minister Surjit Singh Barnala's iteration, an affirmation of (former PM) Indira Gandhi's military Operation Bluestar. Hence, that option was considered taboo. Barnala's caveat That day, Barnala was in Delhi and the central leadership prevailed upon him to act – a signal must go to the secessionists of the state's zero tolerance of separatism. He was 'persuaded' to order action. Accompanied by then Union minister of state for defence Arun Singh, former Punjab governor Arjun Singh, and then National Security Guard (NSG) director RT Nagarani, Barnala landed at Raja Sansi airport at an unearthly hour of 12.30am on April 30 and directed the district administration to clear the Golden temple complex of the extremists. Barnala, however, laid a caveat: The forces shall not enter the sanctum sanctorum, Golden Temple or fire towards it. The memory of the destruction caused to Akal Takht and other parts of the complex in Operation Bluestar and the adverse reaction it had evoked, was too fresh and its repeat had to be avoided at all costs. To strengthen the local police force, NSG commandos led by two Major Generals and paramilitary troops were flown in, starting early on April 30 morning. Punjab Police were tasked with clearing the Sarai complex, while the NSG was to operate in the sacred spaces in and around the Parikrama. To avoid bloodshed, appeals were made on the public address system to pilgrims to come out of the precincts. However, these calls met with counter announcements from the militant-appointed jathedar of Akal Takht, Gurdev Singh Kaunke, asking the pilgrims to resist the forces and if need be sacrifice their lives. To complicate matters further, the jathedar moved from Akal Takht to the sanctum sanctorum, along with all his men. No entry, no fire The NSG Generals were, therefore, cautioned by PC Dogra, the then deputy inspector general of police, that the commandos would be vulnerable to sharpshooters from the rooftop but the troops should not fire back towards Golden Temple; they were asked to brief and sensitise their men. This, however, invited a sharp reaction from the Generals, who were not willing to constrict the options of the troops. An argument followed, with a General telling us that his men were not statues – if fired upon, they would fire back. The Generals were not wrong, but as the tempers rose, I had to tell them that as district magistrate, I withdraw the state government's requisition of the NSG and the troops could go back from where they came. Then Punjab DGP Julio Ribeiro, who was with us in the control room, was wiser. He called up Barnala and Delhi for instructions and they endorsed the caveat of 'no-entry' and 'no-fire' towards the sanctum sanctorum. The Generals now fell in line with the caveat. It did not take long for them to complete the operation – the Parikrama, the multi-storeyed rooms around it, and other sacred buildings were all cleared of the civilians, but according to the instructions given to them, the NSG did not enter the sanctum sanctorum or fire towards it. In the entire operation lasting over three hours, only few shots were fired, resulting in the unfortunate death of a civilian and bullet injuries to four others. However, the men ensconced in Darbar Sahib were yet to be dealt with, but the NSG wanted to hand over the rest of the operation to the civil administration. Their mandate was not to enter the sanctum sanctorum or fire towards it and they had complied with it. Leap of faith This mandate applied equally to us. We had two options – to continue the siege in the hope to wear out those inside Golden Temple, or withdraw the caveat and permit the NSG to proceed. Stuck in this precarious situation, the then senior superintendent of police, SS Virk, and I decided to take a risk. Carrying a handheld hailer and unarmed, we climbed down the stairs from Ghanta Ghar Deori to the Parikrama. In the open white marbled expanse, two of us stood exposed from all sides in direct line of fire of the militants. I rested the loudspeaker on the edge of the sarowar and in chaste Punjabi disclosed our identities. Announcing our intent, I emphasised the imperative of maintaining the sanctity of the sacred place. We assured the militants that no harm would come to anyone and appealed to them to come out of the sanctum sanctorum. Repeated announcements, however, did not evoke any response. In the still of the night, we feared the worst, but kept repeating the appeal – 'Mein sangat nu benti kar da ha ke Darbar Sahib to bahar aa jaan (I request the congregation to come out of Darbar Sahib)'. Suddenly, around 4am we saw movement on the roof of the sanctum sanctorum. Waving a cloth to catch our attention, someone yelled, 'We have no faith in you. Call Giani Puran Singh (a temple priest, who was held in high esteem by the radicals.' Giani Puran Singh was persuaded to go inside the sanctum sanctorum as an emissary. To his credit, he was able to convince the radicals to send a few representatives to negotiate with us. Sitting in the Parikrama and assisted by Puran Singh, we impressed on the five representatives of the militants the futility of holding on inside the Darbar Sahib. The religious ceremonies had been disrupted and Waheguru would hold them accountable, we said. Peaceful end to crisis The persistent persuasion finally paid off. As many as 135 people came out of Golden Temple in a single-line formation, without anyone firing a shot. It was a peaceful end to a perilous situation. The operation was over by 6am and the temple's religious ceremonies were restored. In a signed press statement, the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC)-appointed high priests welcomed the restoration of maryada (religious dignity and ceremonies) in the temple. The security forces withdrew from the precincts. The operation led to the arrest of 55 people of various hues of militancy and recovery of a few small arms. Persuasion had proved more powerful than the guns and tanks of Operation Bluestar. rameshinders@ The writer is a former chief secretary of Punjab and author of the book, Turmoil in Punjab: An Insider's Account. Views expressed are personal.
