Latest news with #BipinRawat
India Today
3 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
Yashasvi Solanki first woman Navy officer to become President's Aide-de-Camp
Lieutenant Commander Yashasvi Solanki of the Indian Navy has been appointed as Aide-de-Camp (ADC) to the President of India. This is the first time a woman officer from the Indian Navy has been posted as an ADC to the Supreme Commander of the Armed role of an ADC involves facilitating coordination and communication between the President and various arms of the establishment, ensuring seamless staff work and official President is typically assigned five ADCs - three from the Army, one each from the Navy and the Air Force. In addition, the President may choose officers from any of the armed forces at their discretion to serve in this role. Lieutenant Commander Yashasvi Solanki's appointment follows the increasing integration of women into key military roles, including as ADCs to Army Commanders, Service Chiefs and Governors in recent years. Her selection reflects the growing trust and recognition of women officers in the Indian armed forces' highest ceremonial and administrative in December 2024, it was announced that the personal staff officers for the service chiefs of all defence forces - the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force - would be appointed from their sister services starting January 1, 2025. The move marked a significant step towards achieving uniformity within the was seen as a major step towards the 'theaterisation' of the defence forces - a process that began with the appointment of the first Chief of Defence Staff, General Bipin Rawat, in all service chiefs received their personal staff officers, known as Aide-de-Camp, not only from their own services but also from units with which they had a personal or professional connection. This marks the first time ADCs have been appointed for service chiefs from other services.
Time of India
14-05-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Missiles in Lucknow, drones in Aligarh: How UP is powering India's defence future
Uttar Pradesh marked a major milestone in India's push for defence self-reliance with the launch of a BrahMos missile manufacturing unit in Lucknow recently. As per reports, the state has attracted Rs 28,475 crore worth of investments through, with 57 companies already receiving land and 87 in the process. The Uttar Pradesh Defence Industrial Corridor was announced in the 2018–19 Union Budget alongside another corridor in Tamil Nadu. It spans six cities — Lucknow, Kanpur, Jhansi, Agra, Aligarh, and Chitrakoot — each selected for their expressway access and existing or planned air connectivity. Jewar near Aligarh is expected to gain an international airport, and airstrips are planned in Chitrakoot and Jhansi. From Lucknow to Aligarh In Lucknow, the new BrahMos facility marks the start of high-end missile production, with over 100 cruise missiles in the pipeline. The unit will also produce drones and ammunition, supported by a dedicated testing facility. Around 3,000 direct and 10,000 indirect jobs are expected. Kanpur is hosting Asia's largest ammunition complex on 250 acres, set up by Adani Group. The facility will produce 41 weapon types, including drones, assault rifles, and light aircraft. Future expansion may take the investment to ₹3,000 crore. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Villas For Sale in Dubai Might Surprise You Villas In Dubai | Search Ads Get Rates Undo Jhansi facility , named in memory of late Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat, is spread across 531 hectares and has 16 firms. Bharat Dynamics Limited is leading with a Rs 140 crore missile plant, part of a broader Rs 400 crore investment. Other contributors include Saab AB and Indian arms manufacturers. In Agra , BHEL is setting up a Rs 400 crore radar and communication equipment facility on 123 hectares. Though construction is at an early stage, Agra is projected to become a key player in electronic warfare systems. Employment estimates are still being finalised. Live Events Aligarh has been identified as a drone and anti-drone hub, with 24 firms allotted land. Among them are Verwin Defence, Smith & Wesson (manufacturing revolvers and pistols), and Amit Industries (producing radar systems). Chitrakoot is emerging as a future-ready defence cluster with 85% of land already acquired. Development here includes drone, helicopter, missile, tank, robotic system production, and a firing range. Anshul Metal and Polymers is investing Rs 6,000 crore alone.
The Print
12-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
To deal with a 2.5-front war, India must tackle the half-front inside
There is no single answer to how, for we need to do multiple things, all simultaneously—and all as of yesterday. As the late Chief of Defence Staff, Gen Bipin Rawat, pointed out, India has to be ready for a two-and-a-half front war, with the half referring to unnamed internal enemies, including insurgencies in some parts of the country. The other two are obvious, though one must ask whether two-and-a-half is now three-and-a-half, with an Islamist Bangladesh being added to it. An accelerated building up of our defences is a no-brainer, but ultimately it can be bankrolled only by an economy chugging along smartly—which implies aggressive reform and deregulation. Most importantly, we must invest the political capital needed to address the half front that constitutes internal threats. This is the only reason why we may have accepted a tenuous ceasefire deal for now, for it will give us time to rearm, reform, and restrategise to deal with all the collective threats we face. We have to do this almost on our own, with most countries useful only as short-term tactical partners, and not reliable friends. How do you solve a problem like Pakistan, a country born with a suicide vest strapped to it, and whose heart is filled with an all-consuming hatred for India? More so during a collapsing global order, where the world recognises what Pakistan really is, but is afraid to say so or do anything collectively to close down its terror factories. The collective global response to the Pahalgam outrage is lip service accompanied by an indirect message: it is for India to deal with this, but within a low limit for kinetic action. This article will focus on the half threats, for it is only a united nation that can deal with its external enemies effectively. Gen Rawat did not clearly spell out who constituted the half, but here is my list. Terrorism in Jammu & Kashmir, often aided by some sleeper cells within Kashmir, is one. The potential for Sikh alienation, despite no support on the ground for Khalistan, is another. Various north-eastern states also face sporadic attacks from militant groups, and these must be tackled. Then there is the Maoist threat, which appears to be waning now. Also unstated is the worry that small groups of Muslims are being radicalised in various states, for which the BJP's soft Hindutva is being blamed—often unfairly. Was it BJP's Hindutva that made Kerala —where Muslims face no discrimination whatsoever and have better socio-economic scores—the largest exporter of recruits for the short-lived Islamic State? Before we address the two or three external threats, we must first address the half front, both the obvious ones, and the ones lurking beneath the surface. It is precisely this half front that Pakistan is trying to turn into fifth columnists in India, with the hope that revived insurgencies on the western and northern fronts will weaken us. The attempts by Pakistan to target gurdwaras and temples in Punjab and Jammu & Kashmir, including possibly the Golden Temple, is a reminder that Pakistan is assiduously trying to turn Indians against Indians. Pakistan is also using media and psy-ops to make Indians fearful and call for another bout of 'aman ki asha', which has never led us anywhere in the past. It only gave Pakistan opportunities to infiltrate our society and create more confusion. The fact that Bollywood didn't react on social media or elsewhere when Operation Sindoor was launched tells us a story. Various media handles that demanded immediate de-escalation when the tide was turning in our favour are also part of this deliberately-created confusion by our enemies. Also read: Ceasefire was Pakistan's chance to retry winning. India saw through it Work toward Hindu-Muslim unity The only way of shrinking the half front, both the visible ones and the ones lurking beneath the surface, is to adopt the traditional carrot-and-stick approach, whichever works better in whichever case. In Jammu & Kashmir, for example, we could clearly tell the political parties that their help in outing the sleeper cells will determine the pace at which they will be given back statehood. Jihadism is not in the economic interests of anyone in J&K. In Punjab, the outreach to Sikh groups must start with the reassurance that the Sikh identity will never be diluted, and Sikh places of worship will always be protected. But this needs organisations like the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and political parties like the Akali Dal to work with the Indian state to isolate the small numbers of Khalistani sympathisers in their midst. An economic package to revive Punjabi entrepreneurship may help address the feeling that Sikhs have a future only in Canada and Australia. One of the big tragedies of the last few decades is the economic decline of Punjab, created by the even bigger decline of Punjabi entrepreneurship. Those left behind with large farms to manage wrongly believe that more MSP (minimum support prices) for farm produce is the answer, when the water table is falling, soil is getting degraded, and jobs outside agriculture are hard to find. Punjab has to be helped to rediscover its entrepreneurial DNA. While the Maoist and Northeastern insurgencies have reduced, we must clearly keep one eye cocked to ensure that they don't revive. Our biggest challenge is our Muslims, who have been led to believe—both by our own 'secular' media and foreign powers—that they are being reduced to second class citizens, when that is not the case. You cannot cite stray cases of lynchings, or the recently passed Waqf Amendment Act, as instances of this targeting. The Waqf law is itself problematic for a secular country. If that is not the case, why has no one ever suggested that all religions be given Waqf-like laws, with solid judicial powers, which no one can question in the lower courts? But will this really work or create more discord between communities? And can a handful of incidents involving lynchings, while entirely unacceptable, be converted into a narrative of an entire community of 200 million being targeted? These must be seen as localised incidents and dealt with locally and not treated as national calamities. And why is it that the killing of a Kamlesh Tiwari, Ulhas Kohle, Kanhaiyalal, or Ramalingan never registers as comparable crimes against Hindus? Why is it that even feeble attempts to focus on the plight of Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh are seen as targeting Indian Muslims? This is not to suggest that Muslims do not have genuine grievances and concerns, but any broader understanding between Muslims and Hindus must not start with the assumption that only one party is culpable. It cannot be anyone's case that Hindus must bear the bulk of the burden of keeping this country united, while the minorities have only rights, no duties. The assumption that the majority must make the biggest concessions is seriously flawed for Hinduism as a unitary thought process. It was not created top down with a clear founder and a widely accepted set of fundamentals. Hinduism grew from the ground up, diverse and different from birth, and it is often defined by practices, rituals, traditions and even dietary habits. There are many scriptures, but no unifying set of religious dogmas or values that all Hindu sampradayas accept. What we call Hinduism today is the result of thousands of years of interaction and communication among diverse communities to find common ground. Hindus are an artificial majority manufactured by counting those who are not Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists. NOTA is not the way to define any majority. But the larger point is this. There has to be a Hindu-Muslim dialogue at multiple levels, national, regional and local, to understand each others' red lines and settle differences on the basis of two-way compromises. Governments, at the centre and states, can facilitate this process, but without the two communities working out compromises they can live with, peace on this half front will always remain a work in progress. R Jagannathan is former Editorial Director, Swarajya. He tweets at @TheJaggi. Views are personal. (Edited by Theres Sudeep)
