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Black America Web
13-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Black America Web
Lewis Hamilton's Met Gala Power Move Was All About Black Women
Source: James Devaney / Getty We're still basking in the afterglow of the 2025 Met Gala. Not just because of the fly fits or nods to the culture, but because of a powerful, intentional act of generosity that deserves the spotlight. Lewis Hamilton, one of this year's co-chairs, did more than just host one of the most influential nights in fashion. He used his platform, presence, and pockets to uplift Black women in a way that had us smiling from our timelines to our group chats. Lewis dropped a reported $350,000 on a Met Gala table just for Black women. In his words: 'You can't speak on Black dandyism, Black art, or Black aesthetics without honoring the Black women who shaped, nurtured, and redefined it all.' Lewis, we couldn't have said it better ourselves. His guest list included women we love. We're talking Lauryn Hill, Regina King, Jordan Casteel, Ming Smith, Adrienne Warren, Danielle Deadwyler, Lorna Simpson, and Radhika Jones. Each of these women has carved out powerful lanes in art, film, music, fashion, and storytelling—and seeing them honored on fashion's biggest night felt like a long-overdue celebration. Even beyond the table, Lewis showed up with intention and style. He hit the Met Gala carpet in a custom look by Black British designer Wales Bonner, celebrating Black artistry in fashion with every stitch. RELATED: The 2025 Met Gala Theme Is Black As Ever For Black women who so often are the culture yet rarely get centered in the rooms we inspire, Lewis' gesture hit differently. It reminded us that support doesn't have to be loud to be revolutionary. Sometimes it's about showing up, cutting the check, and making space—literally—for Black women to shine. Let's also not forget this isn't Hamilton's first time investing in the culture at the Met Gala. In 2021, he purchased a table for $275,000 and invited young Black designers to the event. If we needed another reason to love Lewis Hamilton even more, here it is. SEE ALSO Lewis Hamilton's Met Gala Power Move Was All About Black Women was originally published on Black America Web Featured Video CLOSE


Channel 4
25-04-2025
- General
- Channel 4
Lanre Bakare on the forgotten voices of Black Britain
When people think about Black British history, London is often seen as its cultural heart. 'We Were There' seeks to change that perception by examining the lost history of Black Britain's rich history outside of London. From northern soul in Wigan to political activism in Cardiff during the Thatcher years, the book seeks to reshape a narrative of black life. We meet its author, Lanre Bakare, in his hometown of Bradford – this year's city of culture – which is rediscovering its own forgotten black history.


The Guardian
25-04-2025
- Health
- The Guardian
Prostate cancer, race and the need for tests
Following the article published about Sir Steve McQueen and his journey with prostate cancer ('My father's death saved my life': director Steve McQueen on grief, gratitude and getting cancer, 5 April, we were disappointed to read the response by Tanimola Martins (Letters, 11 April), which fails to acknowledge health inequalities faced by Black men and ethnic minorities in the UK. Acknowledging that PSA (prostate-specific antigen) levels can be slightly higher in Black men, it still remains a useful screening test, especially if combined with MRI. What is not in doubt is that Black men are two to three times more likely to be diagnosed with prostate cancer than white men, and twice as likely to die from it. Add a family history of significant prostate cancer and the odds become even worse, bringing diagnosis to one in two and a risk likely greater than one in six with both risk factors, if untreated. These figures have not changed for more than 10 years in the UK. Countering these stark statistics by quoting a single study showing Black British men are less likely to present with advanced disease does not detract from the fact that a family history and African or Caribbean heritage are primary risk factors for significant prostate cancer. Prostate Cancer UK highlights the critical role of race in the fight against prostate cancer, stating that racial factors are not only significant in understanding disease prevalence but are central to addressing broader health inequities. Therefore, our message is clear and simple: if you are a Black man and/or if you have a family history of prostate cancer – get tested sooner rather than later. Ignoring racial risk factors only sustains Eurocentric blind spots in research, policy and care failing those most at risk. The testing of men in higher risk groups has the full support of the major prostate cancer charities and national urological organisations. The time to highlight this is now, and strive to provide more equitable and accessible care. Suks Minhas Professor of urology, Imperial College, London, Ben Challacombe Associate professor, urologist and prostate surgeon, Guy's and St Thomas' Hospitals, London and the UCLH, Guy's and St Thomas' and South Bank University diversity research collaborative Have an opinion on anything you've read in the Guardian today? Please email us your letter and it will be considered for publication in our letters section.


The Guardian
25-04-2025
- Entertainment
- The Guardian
‘They excavated a nightclub!': uncovering Black British history beyond London
When Guardian arts and culture correspondent Lanre Bakare was growing up, he learned the same Black British history as many of us did. It was a series of singular events: the docking of the Windrush in 1948, unrest in Notting Hill or Brixton, the murder of Stephen Lawrence. All important, but all firmly focused on the capital. Now Lanre has written a book about the Thatcher years, looking at the stories that are less often told: those that took place outside London, in Liverpool – with the oldest Black community in the UK – or in his home town of Bradford. There he learned about George Lindo, a Black man framed by corrupt police officers in the 1970s. When he was jailed, Bradford's Black community rallied round and their dedicated action led to him being released and given compensation, which was incredibly rare at the time. In Manchester, he finds a secret history of house music, and a groundbreaking nightclub that defied a colour bar in the city. In Birmingham he looks at the harassment of Rastafarians by police, and an excoriating TV show about the BBC by the sociologist Stuart Hall. It's all part of a rich history that deserves to be heard, he tells Helen Pidd. 'These historic communities that have been established have had a huge impact on the country. They've reshaped the country, culturally, politically and socially.'


The Guardian
16-04-2025
- Entertainment
- The Guardian
Five things you didn't know about Black British cultural history
Hello and welcome to The Long Wave. I'm Lanre Bakare and I usually cover arts and culture for the Guardian, but I'm taking over the newsletter this week to tell you about my new book, We Were There, a cultural history of Black Britain. It's set between 1979 and 1990, covering the rise and premiership of Margaret Thatcher, the UK's first female prime minister, whose divisive but transformative remodelling of Britain is still felt today – and within that political upheaval, race dominated the headlines. But it was also a time when modern Black British culture was forged. I'll talk you through five things I learned from my research. Three years ago, in the early stages of my book research, I wrote about Black British people who attended northern soul nights in the 1970s. Clubs hosted 'all-nighters' when fans would dance to often discarded soul tracks from a decade earlier. I was always told that northern soul, despite being a scene built on African American music, was a white movement and that Black British kids weren't really interested in it. But when I went back and watched Tony Palmer's amazing documentary Wigan Casino, which took film cameras inside an all-nighter at the famous club night, I spotted half a dozen Black faces in the crowd. As soon as I saw them, I wanted to know their stories and how they had become part of this scene. What I discovered was teenagers who were obsessed with mod culture, football and soul music; young migrants who, for various reasons, had left places such as St Kitts, Jamaica and Ghana and settled in northern towns and cities. They were young people searching for a sense of belonging and northern soul gave that to them. The lesson I learned is that whenever someone presents an assumption about Black Britain and the subcultures we've belonged to, you'll almost always find a counter-narrative of lives that have long been obscured. TV reflected Black life beyond the capital In the 1980s, when Black Britain was portrayed on television there was an understanding that Black life extended beyond the capital. Programmes such as Black Bag and Ebony on the Road made a concerted effort to tell true stories about Black communities in Chapeltown in Leeds and Butetown in Cardiff. The late 70s soap opera Empire Road, written by Michael Abbensetts, was shot on location on the streets of Handsworth in Birmingham. It's hard to imagine Black television set in the Midlands or Wales today, as commissioners look to London for a supposedly more 'authentic' representation of Black Britain. Think of the recent Black dramas and comedies that have had success – I May Destroy You, Queenie, Dreaming Whilst Black, Supacell, Riches – they are all set in the capital. The BBC drama This Town, released last year, was a welcome exception – yet it's clear we've lost the ability, or the interest, to look across the UK for stories about our culture. As the most recent census reveals, for the first time since at least 1991, the majority of Black people live outside London. To explore the true nature of Black Britain, we must document all of it. Thatcher and Powell gave Labour a pass Thatcher's stance on race and immigration was hostile. In 1978, as leader of the opposition, she claimed that areas of Britain were being 'swamped' by foreigners. Her comments after the Liverpool unrest in 1981, when she claimed the rioting was by young men 'whose high animal spirits' had 'wreak[ed] havoc' on the city, were clear dog whistles. But during this period the Labour party, typically viewed as more progressive than the Conservatives, was also incredibly hostile to immigrants and often benefited from more outrageous comments by the Tories. Enoch Powell's racist 'rivers of blood' speech in 1968 came two months after the Labour home secretary, Jim Callaghan, claimed that the 'increased flow' of south Asian migrants from east Africa to the UK was 'continuing and might become a flood'. The influx, he argued, was 'more than we could absorb'. The 1968 Commonwealth Immigrants Act followed – and for the first time denied British citizens entry to the country on racial grounds. Callaghan's biographer Kenneth Morgan points out that 'from Callaghan's perspective, Powell's antics were a valuable distraction. They enabled the government to appear, by contrast, sane and balanced.' In reality, Callaghan (who would become prime minister and was the MP for Butetown) laid the groundwork for the legislation that led to the Windrush scandal. Sign up to The Long Wave Nesrine Malik and Jason Okundaye deliver your weekly dose of Black life and culture from around the world after newsletter promotion Urban renewal was one of Black Britain's biggest foes Urban renewal programmes intended to rebuild postwar Britain were, in fact, quite destructive to Black British communities. It's clear why renewal was necessary and desirable to remodel Britain: old, often dangerous housing would be replaced by new homes designed to modernist principles. Yet poor construction meant many of these new properties – for example, Hulme Crescents in Manchester – were not fit for purpose. A knock-on effect was felt by home-owning Black Britons whose properties were bought, often for tiny sums, and who were then relocated in new council accommodation. This significantly weakened the economic potential of Black Britons who could, for example, have used their homes as collateral in order to start a business. This pattern was repeated across the UK where Black communities were often on the frontline of the mass redevelopment phases that were introduced during the 1960s and reappeared in the 80s, first in London Docklands, then in Liverpool and Cardiff. Uncles and aunties had beef One thing that shocked me while writing the book was the amount of beef people from this era had with one another. Some people still don't talk because of things that happened in the 80s. It makes sense. Often they were in campaign groups or activist circles where one, usually male figure, would dominate. That led to some people being marginalised. Other times there were personality clashes, which isn't uncommon in an environment where outspoken, politically driven people come together for a cause. The final chapter is about Black rugby league players, who I assumed would all be friends, united by their position as outsiders in this ultra macho sport. But they often kept intense professional rivalries, in some cases to keep an edge over a competitor, in others because they genuinely despised each other. We Were There: How Black Culture, Resistance and Community Shaped Modern Britain by Lanre Bakare is published by Bodley Head (£22). To support the Guardian and the Observer buy a copy at Delivery charges may apply. To receive the complete version of The Long Wave in your inbox every Wednesday, please subscribe here.