Latest news with #CaliforniaEnvironmentalQualityAct
Los Angeles Times
9 hours ago
- Politics
- Los Angeles Times
5 things to know about big potential changes to California's building laws
Government runs on acronyms. In California, few inspire such strong reactions as CEQA. Those four letters stand for the California Environmental Quality Act. It's a state law that's been around since 1970. Depending on whom you ask, it's either the reason California retains its natural beauty in the face of unrelenting development pressure or why the state has plunged into a housing crisis. But now the Legislature is debating the most substantial overhaul to CEQA in generations. One proposal would exempt urban housing from its requirements and the other would weaken its rules for almost everything else. Here's why the law is so integral to California and what changes might do. The law is straightforward. CEQA requires proponents of a development — housing, highways, power plants, warehouses and many more — to disclose and, if possible, lessen its environmental effects before breaking ground. In practice these rules have meant thousand-plus page reports that include lengthy analyses of soil testing and traffic modeling, and sometimes endless litigation that puts entire projects at risk. Supporters of CEQA say the law is essential to preventing development from dirtying California's waterways and mountain ranges and protects communities from harm. They say the law's effects on stopping development are overblown, pointing to studies that show few projects face lawsuits. Those who want CEQA overhauled respond that even threats to sue can derail projects, such as housing or clean energy infrastructure, that the state needs to be more affordable and respond to climate change. The reformers contend that a project's opponents weaponize the broad requirements in CEQA to try to stop the developments, including homeless shelters and a food bank in recent years, for reasons that have nothing to do with the environment. Two of CEQA's biggest fans are environmental and labor groups, influential constituencies in state politics. They've successfully resisted major changes to the law over the years and have learned to wield it. So even though governors and lawmakers have talked a big game about CEQA changes, they've been able to pass relief only for specific pet projects or those willing to pay construction workers higher wages, or set aside a portion of the development for low-income housing or other benefits. The two new bills have been proposed by veteran lawmakers who have written many of the CEQA and housing reforms in recent years, frustrated that large-scale development hasn't followed. Their efforts have been buoyed by a national 'Abundance' movement that's growing within Democratic circles. The argument goes that laws like CEQA in part drive the housing and infrastructure crises in blue states that are stifling the party's political fortunes. Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has embraced the call, endorsed the two bills and put them on a fast-track to approval as soon as this month. Even opponents of the bills believe something is going to pass. But what that looks like remains an open question. One lawmaker indicated that some labor standards may be part of her bill, and the other's bill was gutted in a legislative committee. All eyes will be on Newsom and legislative leaders in the coming weeks as they attempt to hammer out a final deal. Virginia writes, 'My dad gave me a strong sense of self as a smart Latina capable of doing anything I set my mind to. One of his favorite pieces of advice, liberally given, was that people would underestimate me and not to let them. This served me well as I entered the male dominated corporate world of the late 80s and 90s and eventually reached my goal at the top of the corporate ladder.' Michael writes, 'Son, you should always marry a short girl. When they [fart,] they don't kick up as much dust.' Email us at essentialcalifornia@ and your response might appear in the newsletter this week. On June 5, 1981, AIDS was reported for the first time following the detection of a rare form of pneumonia in five gay men in Los Angeles. Last year, as part of the Times' Our Queerest Century project, columnist LZ Granderson wrote about how we must remember the heroes of the AIDS epidemic, not just the trauma. Kevinisha Walker, multiplatform editorAndrew Campa, Sunday writerKarim Doumar, head of newsletters How can we make this newsletter more useful? Send comments to essentialcalifornia@ Check our top stories, topics and the latest articles on
San Francisco Chronicle
a day ago
- Business
- San Francisco Chronicle
California bill allowing more housing near transit stops narrowly passes Senate
State Sen. Scott Wiener's bill to legalize mid-rise apartments around major transit stops squeezed through the state Senate Tuesday, five years after his previous attempt died in the same chamber. Senate Bill 79 would allow taller, denser projects — whether housing or commercial — to be built within a half-mile of some transit stops, with the most generous bonuses reserved for projects near major systems like BART, Caltrain and parts of the Los Angeles Metro. The maximum height and density would depend on how close a project is to a transit stop, and the type of transit it's near. Most projects would likely be buildings between four and six stories, said Michael Lane, state policy director with urban policy think tank SPUR, which backed the bill. The bill would also allow projects built on land owned by transit agencies to bypass the California Environmental Quality Act, a law that critics say often leads to yearslong development delays, if they include an improvement to the transit infrastructure. In a nail-biting session in which the bill at first didn't have enough support — that is, until some members showed up at the last minute to pass it — SB 79 received the exact number of votes it needed to pass the state Senate. It still needs to get through the Assembly to become law. But its passage in the first chamber reflects a potential shift in legislators' willingness to push through housing bills over the opposition of cities — and even some of its Democratic members. The shift illustrates how housing affordability has become an increasingly vital political issue — particularly in the Bay Area, where all but one of the senators representing the region supported the bill. California renters continue to be burdened at some of the highest rates in the nation, with the cost of building housing far above that of other states. Wiener's last attempt at a transit-oriented housing bill, which was more expansive and would have also allowed for denser housing near job centers, died in the Senate by three votes in 2020. The lawmaker said that this time, the legislation is 'nuanced and surgical,' focusing largely on major transit systems. Smaller transit systems, such as those without dedicated bus lanes or signal priority, wouldn't be covered by the bill. 'California urgently needs to build more homes to bring down costs, and building them near transit provides our public transportation systems with an urgently needed infusion of new riders,' Wiener said. 'This is an idea whose time has come.' A portion of the homes built through SB 79, would have to be set aside for lower-income households, as determined by either local law or state density requirements. Supporters of the bill, which include a number of California YIMBY groups, said SB 79 would simultaneously address housing, transit and the environment. It would allow for housing within walking distance of trains, light rails and buses, they argued, reducing residents' reliance on cars and giving a boost to the state's struggling transit systems. 'These are not skyscrapers that we are asking for,' Lane of SPUR said. 'It's just that kind of density that can help our transit systems work throughout the Bay, or even outside of the larger cities where we do have that robust transit.' But dozens of California cities, including Napa, Palo Alto, San Rafael and Walnut Creek, staunchly oppose the bill, saying it would effectively contradict their own housing plans by letting developers build at a scale they never intended for their neighborhoods. 'There is already accumulating data that purport to show that overriding local control like this, given that most local housing elements include state housing mandates, has not resulted in needed housing,' Alice Fredericks, legislative committee chair of the Marin County Council of Mayors and Councilmembers, said in a statement. 'SB 79 further eviscerates local control without even pretending to be in service of filling the need for housing.' Wiener said he took such concerns into account. SB 79 would allow cities and counties to create an 'alternative plan' that trims the density around one transit stop in exchange for boosting density along another, as long as this doesn't lower the number of feasible units. And whatever homes were built would generally still have to follow other local development rules and go through environmental review, unless the developer used a separate streamlining law such as SB 423. Still, some of the bill's strongest critics were Wiener's fellow Democrats. Some said on Tuesday that California's transit systems, many of which are still struggling to regain ridership post-COVID, are not yet robust enough to justify building housing nearby. Others expressed concern that the bill doesn't do enough to prevent displacement or build subsidized housing. If members of the state Assembly take those concerns seriously, they could lead SB 79 to the same fate as Wiener's last transit-oriented housing bill.
Los Angeles Times
a day ago
- Business
- Los Angeles Times
Paul Hasting Adds Preeminent 5-Partner Real Estate Team in Los Angeles
In a move that brings together one of the most highly regarded land use teams in California and Paul Hastings' elite real estate group, the firm announced the addition of partners DJ Moore, Beth Gordie, Winston Stromberg, Benjamin Hanelin and Lauren Paull in Los Angeles. The team joins from Latham & Watkins, uniting two top-ranked Chambers practices. The group has extensive experience advising landowners, developers, project sponsors, institutions and utilities throughout California on securing the full range of local, regional, state and federal approvals necessary to permit and construct development and infrastructure projects, as well as compliance with all associated environmental laws, including the National Environmental Policy Act, California Environmental Quality Act, California Coastal Act, Clean Water Act, Endangered Species Act and many others. 'The real estate sector and California continue to be strategic priorities for the firm, and the team brings an extensive track record of success in high-stakes real estate matters across the state,' said Paul Hastings chair Frank Lopez. 'They are another fantastic addition to our preeminent real estate platform, further strengthening our ability to provide our clients with premier support on their most complex matters involving real estate zoning and environmental matters and more broadly.' Moore's practice focuses on helping clients obtain and defend land use entitlement and environmental approvals from government agencies for major infrastructure, energy and development projects. Gordie focuses on advising landowners and developers through all stages of the entitlement and development process, providing counsel to clients on local planning and zoning regulations, complex regulatory frameworks, government approvals and related environmental matters. Stromberg advises major energy, infrastructure and real estate project developers on land use entitlements, environmental approvals and administrative hearings with a principal focus on litigation arising out of such processes. A former judicial clerk in the Federal District Court for the Southern District of California, Hanelin has worked on some of the largest development projects in Southern California over the last 20 years. With a focus on major infrastructure projects, logistics facilities, data centers, film and television developments and California Environmental Quality Act litigation, he guides developers and institutions on state, federal and local planning and zoning regulations and defends any litigation that follows. Paull advises landowners and developers through all stages of the entitlement and development process, counseling clients on planning and zoning regulations, approvals and related environmental matters. 'Paul Hastings' real estate practice has had undeniable momentum and has differentiated itself as a premier, full-service offering at the top of the market,' said Moore. 'We're incredibly excited to continue our work together at Paul Hastings while offering our clients unparalleled service to meet all of their needs with some of the most impressive talent in the industry.' Information sourced from Paul Hastings. For more information, contact christophersumano@
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
California lawmakers push for CEQA reforms to address housing crisis
Several California bills could lead to significant reforms of the state's environmental review law, with the goal of addressing the state's ongoing housing crisis. One of the bills, Assembly Bill 609, authored by Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland), would establish a CEQA exemption for most urban housing developments. The bill is part of the Fast Track Housing Package, a collection of 20 bills that aim to expedite the approval of housing projects. The California Environmental Quality Act, enacted in 1970, requires public agencies in California to evaluate the potential environmental impacts of proposed projects and avoid those impacts, if possible. However, many argue that the law has been weaponized to block new housing projects and development. 'CEQA can be an expensive and lengthy process, especially for large or complicated projects. This is true even if there is no litigation. Preparation of an Environmental Impact Report under CEQA can take a year or longer and cost hundreds of thousands of dollars, or even, in some cases, more than $1 million,' a 2024 report from the bipartisan Little Hoover Commission said. Liftoff! Big Bear bald eagle chick takes to the sky The Los Angeles Times also pointed out that when CEQA threatened to stop enrollment at UC Berkeley, prevented the Sacramento Kings from building their new stadium, or prevented renovations of the state Capitol, lawmakers stepped in. With the various exemptions, critics have nicknamed the law 'Swiss cheese CEQA.' 'Right now, it takes far too long to build the housing Californians need — and that's a failure of government,' Assemblymember Wicks said in a statement. 'The Fast Track Housing package is about making our systems work better: clearer rules, faster timelines, and fewer bureaucratic hoops. It's not about cutting corners — it's about being honest that what we're doing isn't working. Gov. Gavin Newsom has also announced his support for reforms to CEQA. Still, not everyone is in favor of the proposed changes to the environmental law. Dozens of environmental and labor groups, such as the California Preservation Foundation and Livable California, are opposed to the proposed changes. Improving California's housing crisis has been a priority for Newsom since taking office. In 2018, Newsom, in a Medium post, wrote, 'As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is.' Newsom has since revised that goal, setting a new benchmark for cities to plan for 2.5 million homes by 2030. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
After half a century, California legislators on the verge of overhauling a landmark environmental law
When a landmark state environmental law threatened to halt enrollment at UC Berkeley, legislators stepped in and wrote an exemption. When the Sacramento Kings were about to leave town, lawmakers brushed the environmental rules aside for the team's new arena. When the law stymied the renovation of the state Capitol, they acted once again. Lawmakers' willingness to poke holes in the California Environmental Quality Act for specific projects without overhauling the law in general has led commentators to describe the changes as 'Swiss cheese CEQA.' Now, after years of nibbling at it, Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislature are going in with the knives. Two proposals have advanced rapidly through the Legislature: one to wipe away the law for most urban housing developments, the other to weaken the rules for most everything else. Legal experts say the efforts would be the most profound changes to CEQA in generations. Newsom not only endorsed the bills last month, but also put them on a fast track to approval by proposing their passage as part of the state budget, which bypasses normal committee hearings and means they could become law within weeks. 'This is the biggest opportunity to do something big and bold, and the only impediment is us,' Newsom said when announcing his support for the legislation. Read more: 'The law that swallowed California': Why the much-derided CEQA is so hard to change Nearly the entire 55-year history of the California Environmental Quality Act has featured dueling narratives about its effects. On its face the law is simple: It requires proponents to disclose and, if possible, lessen the environmental effects of a project. In practice, this has led to tomes of environmental impact reports, including volumes of soil testing and traffic modeling studies, and sometimes years of disputes in court. Many credit CEQA for helping preserve the state's scenic vistas and waterways while others decry its ability to thwart housing and infrastructure projects, including the long-delayed and budget-busting high-speed rail. On the latter point, evidence supports both sides of the argument. One study by UC Berkeley law professors found that fewer than 3% of housing projects in many big cities across the state over a three-year period faced any litigation. But some contend that the threat of a lawsuit is enough to chill development, and examples continue to pile up of CEQA stalling construction of homeless shelters, a food bank and child-care center. What's clear is that CEQA has become embedded as a key point of leverage in California's development process. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass once recalled that when she worked as a community organizer in the 1990s, Westside land-use attorneys who were successful in stopping development in their communities taught her how to use CEQA to block liquor stores in South L.A. Organized labor learned to use the law to its advantage and became one of its most ardent supporters, alongside environmentalists — major constituencies within Democratic politics in the state. Besides carve-outs for individual projects in recent years, lawmakers have passed CEQA streamlining for certain kinds of housing and other developments. These fast-track measures can be used only if proponents agree to pay higher wages to construction workers or set aside a portion of the project for low-income housing on land considered the least environmentally sensitive. Read more: Homeless shelter opponents are using this environmental law in bid to block new housing Labor groups' argument is simple, said Pete Rodriguez, vice president-Western District of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners: CEQA exemptions save time and money for developers, so some benefit should go to workers. 'When you expedite the process and you let a developer get the TSA pass, for example, to get quicker through the line at the airport, there should be labor standards attached to that as well,' Rodriguez said at a Los Angeles Business Council panel in April. The two bills now under debate — Assembly Bill 609 by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland) and Senate Bill 607 by Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) — break with that tradition. They propose broad CEQA changes without any labor or other requirements. Wicks' bill would exempt most urban housing developments from CEQA. Wiener's legislation, among other provisions, would in effect lessen the number of projects, housing and otherwise, that would need to complete a full environmental review, narrowing the law's scope. 'Both are much, much more far-reaching than anything that has been proposed in living memory to deal with CEQA,' said Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor who tracks state environmental and housing legislation. The legislation wouldn't have much of an effect on rebuilding after L.A.'s wildfires, as single-family home construction is exempt and Newsom already waived other parts of the law by executive order. The environment inside and outside the Legislature has become friendlier to more aggressive proposals. "Abundance," a recent book co-written by New York Times opinion writer Ezra Klein, makes the case that CEQA and other laws supported by Democrats have hamstrung the ability to build housing and critical infrastructure projects, citing specifically California's affordability crisis and challenges with high-speed rail, in ways that have stifled the American Dream and the party's political fortunes. The idea has become a cause celebre in certain circles. Newsom invited Klein onto his podcast. This spring, Klein met with Wicks and Wiener and other lawmakers, including Robert Rivas (D-Hollister) and Mike McGuire (D-Healdsburg), the leaders of the state Assembly and Senate, respectively. Wicks and Wiener are veteran legislators and former chairs of legislative housing committees who have written much of the prior CEQA streamlining legislation. Even though it took bruising battles to pass previous bills, the resulting production hasn't come close to resolving the state's shortage, Wicks said. 'We need housing on a massive scale,' Wicks said. To opponents of the bills, including dozens of environmental and labor groups, the effort misplaces the source of building woes and instead would restrict one of the few ways community groups can shape development. Asha Sharma, state policy manager for Leadership Counsel for Justice & Accountability, said her organization uses CEQA to reduce the polluting effects of projects in neighborhoods already overburdened by environmental problems. The proposed changes would empower public agencies and developers at the expense of those who would be affected by their decisions, she said. 'What folks aren't realizing is that along with the environmental regulations comes a lot of public transparency and public engagement,' said Sharma, whose group advocates for low-income Californians in rural areas. 'When you're rolling back CEQA, you're rolling back that too.' Because of the hefty push behind the legislation, Sharma expects the bills will be approved in some form. But it remains uncertain how they might change. Newsom, the two lawmakers and legislative leaders are negotiating amendments. Read more: Newsom suspends landmark environmental laws to ease rebuilding in wildfire zones Wicks said her bill will not require developers to reserve part of their projects for low-income housing to receive a CEQA exemption; cities can mandate that on their own, she said. Wicks indicated, however, that labor standards could be part of a final deal, saying she's "had some conversations in that regard." Wiener's bill was gutted in a legislative fiscal committee last month, with lawmakers saying they wanted to meet infrastructure and affordability needs 'without compromising environmental protections.' Afterward, Wiener and McGuire, the Senate leader, released a joint statement declaring their intent to pass a version of the legislation as part of the budget, as the governor had proposed. Wiener remained committed to the principles in his initial bill. 'What I can say is that I'm highly optimistic that we will pass strong changes to CEQA that will make it easier and faster to deliver all of the good things that make Californians' lives better and more affordable,' Wiener said. Should the language in the final deal be anything like what's been discussed, the changes to CEQA would be substantial, said Ethan Elkind, director of the climate program at UC Berkeley's Center for Law, Energy & the Environment. Still, he said the law's effects on housing development were overblown. Many other issues, such as local zoning restrictions, lack of funding and misaligned tax incentives, play a much larger role in limiting construction long before projects can even get to the point where CEQA becomes a concern, he said. 'CEQA is the last resort of a NIMBY,' said Elkind, referring to residents who try to block housing near them. 'It's almost like we're working backwards here.' Wicks agreed that the Legislature would have to do more to strip away regulations that make it harder to build housing. But she argued that the CEQA changes would take away a major barrier: the uncertainty developers face from legal threats. Passing major CEQA reforms would demonstrate lawmakers' willingness to tackle some of the state's toughest challenges, she said. 'It sends a signal to the world that we're ready to build,' Wicks said. Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
